Musical Settings (XX): Sang Tong’s Accompaniment for Hongdou ci

This entry is part 42 of 42 in the series Chinese Art Song

__Sang Tong 桑桐 (1923-2011)

Born Zhu Jingqing 朱鏡清 in Shanghai, Sang Tong was a composer, music educator, and theorist. His ”Ye Jing”(夜景, Night scenery) for solo violin and piano (1947) was the earliest implementation of twelve-tone series by a Chinese composer. Sang credited his mentors Wolfgang Fraenkel (1897-1983), Julius Schloss (1902-1973) and Tan Xiaolin 譚小麟 for his work.

In 1941, he entered the National Music Conservatory, studying composition under Fraenkel, a Jewish musician escaping Nazi oppression in Shanghai.[1] Sang recalled being introduced to works of Debussy, Stravinsky, Vaughan Williams, Kodály, Bartok, Scriabin and Mahler.[2] In addition to analyses of standard repertoire by composers such as Bach, Beethoven, Schubert, Brahms and Richard Strauss, Fraenkel’s teaching materials included Arnold Schoenberg’s Harmonielehre (Theory of harmony) and Ernst Kurth’s Grundlagen des linearen Kontrapunkts: Bach’s Melodische Polyphonie (Foundation of linear counterpoint: Bach’s melodic polyphony).

For health reasons, Sang dropped out of the Conservatory in 1943 but re-enrolled three years later, continuing his study with Julius Schloss, a colleague and friend of Alban Berg. He also audited classes taught by Tan Xiaolin, a young professor who had studied with Paul Hindemith at Yale.[3] In 1947, Sang composed “Ye Jing” and a piano piece “Zai na yaoyuan de difang” (在那遙遠的地方, In the land far, far away) based on a folk tune from the Qinghai 青海 Province. Both explored modern compositional techniques and were premiered in 1948 in Shanghai.[4] He also collaborated with Qu Xixian 瞿希賢 on the film music for Ye Dian (夜店, Night Inn) and Yian Yiang Tian (艷陽天, Bright Sunny Days) during this period.

Frequent participant in demonstrations held by students with progressive ideology, Sang began his training by CCP in 1948. As the conflicts between CCP and KMT intensified, he relocated to Northern Jiangsu Liberated Area 蘇北解放區 and changed his name to Sang Tong. In March 1949, he became a CCP member officially and was sent back to Shanghai. In June 1949, Sang Tong assisted Shanghai Municipal Military Control Commission of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army 中國人民解放軍上海市軍事管制委員會[5] in taking control of the Music Conservatory. A few months later, he began his long teaching career there. In addition to teaching theory and composition, he held various administrative positions. From 1986 to 1991, he served as the President of the Conservatory.

Sang Tong’s writings include “Heshengxue zhuanti liu jiang” (和聲學專題六講, Six lectures on harmony), “Hesheng de lilun yu yingyong”(和聲的理論與應用 , The theory and application of harmony), “Wusheng zonghexing hesheng jiegou de tansuo”(五聲綜合性和聲結構的探索, Investigations of the structure of integrated pentatonic harmonies)[6], and “Duodiaoxing xiezuo shoufa jianjie” (多調性寫作手法簡介, An introduction to polytonal writing techniques). He passed away on July 24, 2011, in Shanghai at the age of 88.

—Integrated Harmonization of Pentatonic Melodies

In Wusheng zonghexing hesheng jiegou de tansuo (五聲綜合性和聲結構的探索, Investigations of the structure of integrated pentatonic harmonic), Sang Tong indicated that pentatonic melodies could be harmonized using basic western tonal harmonic structure—triads in major and minor tonalities—三度結構性和聲方法. Other possibilities include using parallel motions (planing) 平行進行, polychordal 複合和聲, and polytonal 複合調式structures. He believed that, in practice, harmonizations of pentatonic melody were often restricted by three notions:

  • Emphasizing that the tonality of the harmony must match that of the melody
  • Using only tertian chords—stacking thirds—as the structural foundation
  • Relying on functional harmony

To break away from these restrictions, he explored the implementation of integrated harmonization of pentatonic melodies, based on the methodology developed by Paul Hindemith.

The key component of Hindemith’s theory is “interval,” as he wrote in his seminal treatise Craft of Musical Composition:[7]

. . . The motion from one tone to another, the bridging of a gap in space, produces melodic tension, while the simultaneous juxtaposition of two tones produces harmony. Thus the Interval, formed by the connection of two tones, is the basic unit of musical construction.

He ranks the intervals by their acoustic stability to a fundamental tone. The strength of intervals, in turn, governs the harmonic progressions, freed from the traditional functional harmonic structure.

Like Hindemith, Sang Tong builds his theory around the interplay of melodic and harmonic intervals. He explains that all the notes of a pentatonic scale could be combined into three-note, four-note, and five-note chords. Each group is subcategorized by their intervallic organization.[8] He systemizes these chords using Hindemith’s conception of intervallic strength and root identification. He emphasizes that, in integrated pentatonic harmonization, chords can be linked without hierarchical restrictions. Nevertheless, the movements of roots need to be organized around a tonal center. Harmonic intensity and colors need to be distributed orderly.

Finally, Sang prescribes methods of tonal expansion:[9]

  • Expansion from five tones to six or seven tones can be created by layering multiple voices with different tonalities.
  • Adding modified tones, such as qing-jue 清角 (raised-jue), bian-zhi 變徵 (lowered-zhi), qing-yu 清羽 (raised yu), and bian-gong 變宮 (lowered gong), without changing the mode and the pentatonic nature.[10]
  • Modes based on the same tonal center can be combined to expand the tonality.

Sang uses these additional tones to enrich the tonalities and to balance the harmonic fluctuations.

__Sang Tong’s piano accompaniment for Hongdou ci*
*The following transcription and analysis use C as the tonal center—C minor key signature and C as yu 羽.

Although Sang was setting accompaniment to a song written by another composer, he was not hindered by the existing melodies. Instead, he used the pentatonic tones as constituents of harmonies—harmonic cells in Hindemith’s term. According to Hindemith, harmonic movements were felt by the increase and decrease of harmonic tensions—fluctuations. As he categorized chords into six groups by the existence or absence of tritone, the presence of second and seventh, and the root positions, he ranked them by their intervallic strength. The harmonic tension would increase with movements from lower-number groups, the more stable harmonies, to higher ones, the less stable ones. Combinations of pentatonic tones often contain seconds and sevenths but without tritones. Therefore, most of these chords would be placed under group III in Hindemith’s chord analysis. If the majority of the chords were in the same group, there would be very little fluctuation.[11] Sang solved this dilemma by implementing tonal expansions.

Sang opened his piano introduction with a four-note chord, c-f-g-c, resonating from the extreme ends of the keyboard. Without the interval of third, he established a non-western sonority immediately. Structurally, this chord contained the fifth and the fourth, two of the strongest intervals according to Hindemith. Acoustically, he utilized the rich overtones from the lower range of the instrument to achieve a colorful but open sound. This chord structure would be moved up a fifth in m. 3 and return to the first position in m. 5.

Liu Xue’an’s piano introduction, based on the thematic melody, was only two measures long and fully cadenced. Sang Tong quoted the first two vocal lines and linked them to the vocal entrance with an added measure of chords and arpeggios. The familiar syncopated repeating chords in the left hand broke the solemness created by the opening chord. They also brought in two tones outside of the pentatonic C-yu mode: The a-flat in mm. 1-2 and b-natural in m. 3. Although they could be interpreted as modified tones within the pentatonic system, a more comprehensive explanation would be that Sang overlapped the C-pentatonic melody with C harmonic minor scale.

More outside tones appeared in mm. 4-5 in the right-hand parts. The two Ds in m. 4 were auxiliary bian-gong 變宮 included in the original melody. They led to the d-flats in measure 5, a completely foreign tone.  Tracing the voice-leading in these two measures, a melodic movement of D-C-D-flat-C became clear. In the final beat of m. 4, a double-neighboring tone group—d-flat & b-flat—moved to the octave Cs in m. 5.

As the melody ended in m. 4, the underlaying harmony, a composite chord of minor third-perfect fifth-minor sixth, sounded an inconclusive tone. The tritone formed by the d-flat and g-jue 角 furthered the uneasiness. Structurally, this tritone was stabilized by two sets of perfect fifths: the D-flat-A-flat in the upper piano part and the rooted C-G in the bass.

The first two phrases of the vocal line (mm. 6-9), covering verses one and two of the poem, were the most straightforward section of the entire song structurally. Worth noticing, however, were the unique use of downward arpeggios in the upper register of the piano. They produced an effect reminiscent of the sliding tones on the guzheng 古箏 or the guqin 古琴. Set an octave above the vocal line, they became a phenomenon of their own.

The other distinctive feature in this opening section is the descending bass line from  m.6 to m. 9. Doubling the melodic line in the first measure as in Liu’s version, it continued to descend on a C-natural minor scale (or its Chinese counterpart qing-jue mode 清角調). Here, Sang again overlayered pentatonic and heptatonic scale. Freed from functional harmonic progression, Sang was able to take this feature further. Starting with f/F in m. 10, a descending E-flat major scale was formed, with a chromatic embellishment –B-flat-A-natural-A-flat in mm. 12-13. Without the presence of tertian or traditional seventh chords, there was no clear sense of “modulation.”

Sang matched the increasing anxiousness in verses three to six and the agitated dotted-three-note motif in mm. 10, 12, 14, and 16 with syncopated chords of denser texture and accented jumping chords in the right hand. A-natural, a foreign tone, appeared frequently throughout this section. Instead of fitting it into any tonal pattern, it might be best to observe its descriptive function here. It first took place in the piano right-hand part in m. 11, coinciding with the words huang hun 黃昏 (dusk), a time when the fading of daylight obscured the scenery. Then, with the chromatic movements in the bass, it marked the words xin chou 新愁 (new sorrow) and jiu chou 舊愁 (old sorrow). It generated two palpable tritones with octave-E-flats in mm. 15 and 16, manifesting the suffering of choking and sad reflection of a waning face. These back-to-back tritones caused a ripple in the harmonic movement.

Sequential bass lines in mm. 18 to 21 brought in a sense of relentlessness. The two A-naturals should simply be treated as passing tones. The onomatopoeic chords in the final beat of each measure should be handled carefully.

With the upper piano parts doubling the melodic lines, the final section of Sang Tong’s arrangement of Hongdou ci was marked by frequent occurrences of tritones. The A-natural-D combination in m. 23 stirred up a quick III-V-III harmonic movement stressing the pains in the vocal cries. A longer and less stable harmony with an F-B tritone in m. 26 was eased in the first ending but went unresolved onto another tritone chord in the second ending. While most composers sought smooth and conclusive endings, Sang chose to, in the penultimate measure, circle back to the open-ended harmony linking the introduction and the initial vocal line. He then evoked the opening c-f-g-c chord yet added a seventh, the least stable interval. The message of the never-ending longing could not be clearer.

In his piano accompaniment for Hongdou ci, by combining traditional and western musical practices, Sang Tong cracked open a field of possibilities for Chinese composers. By exploring the acoustic boundaries and performing techniques, he also elevated the role of the piano in an art song. Given the fact that Liu Xue’an’s works were banned in China until early 1980s, it could only have become popular in the final decades of the twentieth century. It represented the result of deeper western influences during the late 1940s, directly and indirectly, to a generation of composers.


[1] Christian Utz, “Cultural Accommodation and Exchange in the Refugee Experience: A German-Jewish Musician in Shanghai,” Ethnomusicology Forum, vol.13, no. 1, January 2004, 119-151.
[2] Sang Tong 桑桐, “Jinian Fulanke’er yu Xu Luoshi” (紀念弗蘭克爾與許洛士, In memory of Wolfgang Fraenkel and Julius Schloss), Yinyue Yishu (音樂藝術, The Art of Music: Journal of the Shanghai Conservatory of Music), 12, no. 1 (1990): 10-15
[3] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tan_Xiaolin
[4] Utz, Musical Composition in the Context of Globalization: New Perspectives on Music History of the 20th and 21st Century, trans. Laurence Sinclair Willis (Bielefeld: Transcript-Verlag, 2021), 182. https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839450956.
[5] Qian Yiping 錢亦平, “Sang Tong Xiansheng’” 桑桐先生, 17, quoted in Cheong Wai-Ling, “Reading Schoenberg, Hindemith, and Kurth in Sang Tong: Modernist Harmonic Approaches in China,” Acta Musicologica 88, no. 1 (2016), 7.
中國人民解放軍上海市軍事管制委員會_zh.Wiki/zh-tw/
[6] Sang Tong, “Wusheng zonghexing hesheng jiegou de tansuo, Yinyue Yishu, 2, no. 1 (1980): 20-44. This title is somtimes translated as “The Vertical Structure of Pentatonic Harmonies.” Since Sang’s discussion included both the horizontal and vertical applications of pentatonic scales, the terms “integrated” or “composite” (綜合性) are much more comprehensive than “vertical” (綜向性).
[7] Paul Hindemith, The Craft of Musical Composition, Book 1, Theoretical Part,trans. Arthur Mendel, (Associated Music Publisher, 1942): 57
[8] Sang, Ibid., 23-24.
[9] Ibid., 34-40.
[10] Xiao Yomei 蕭友梅 in “Gujin zhongxi yingjie gaishuo 古今中西音階概說” (Survey of ancient and modern Chinese and western scales) traced the historical development of Chinese heptatonic scales. He also listed the eight-four possible heptatonic scales (seven modes on twelve tones), using the Western church mode comparison. Yueyi, 1930: 14-25
See also 七聲調式_zh.Wiki/zh-tw/
[11] In Hindemith’s chord group, III 1 and III 2 differ only in their root positions. III 2 chords can be considered as inverted III 1. Thus, the movements back and forth between the two are subtle.

Musical Settings (XVIII): “By the Jialing River” 嘉陵江上

This entry is part 40 of 42 in the series Chinese Art Song

By the Jialing River 嘉陵江上
Words by Duanmu Hongliang 端木蕻良

那一天,敵人打到了我的村莊,
[na4 yi4 tian1 di2 ren2 da3 dao4 le5 wo3 de5 cun1 zhuang1]
ㄋㄚˋ ㄧˋ ㄊㄧㄢˉ ㄉㄧˊ ㄖㄣˊ ㄉㄚˇ ㄉㄠˋ ㄌㄜ˙ ㄨㄛˇ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄘㄨㄣˉ ㄓㄨㄤˉ
On that day, when the enemies attacked my village,

我便失去了我的田舍、家人和牛羊。
[wo3 bian4 shi1 qu4 le5 wo3 de5 tian2 she4 jia1 ren2 he2 niu2 yang2]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄅㄧㄢˋ ㄕˉ ㄑㄩˋ ㄌㄜ˙ ㄨㄛˇ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄊㄧㄢˊ ㄕㄜˋ ㄐㄧㄚˉ ㄖㄣˊ ㄏㄜˊ ㄋㄧㄡˊ ㄧㄤˊ
I lost my farmhouse, family, cattle and sheep.

如今我徘徊在嘉陵江上,
[ru2 jin1 wo3 pai2 huai2 zai4 jia1 ling2 jiang1 shang4]
ㄖㄨˊ ㄐㄧㄣˉ ㄨㄛˇ ㄆㄞˊ ㄏㄨㄞˊ ㄗㄞˋ ㄐㄧㄚˉ ㄌㄧㄥˊ ㄐㄧㄤˉ ㄕㄤˋ
Now wandering by the Jialing River,

我仿佛聞到故鄉泥土的芳香,
[wo3 fang3 fu2 wen2 dao4 gu4 xiang1 ni2 tu3 de5 fang1 xiang1]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄈㄤˇ ㄈㄨˊㄨㄣˊ ㄉㄠˋ ㄍㄨˋ ㄒㄧㄤˉ ㄋㄧˊ ㄊㄨˇ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄈㄤˉㄒㄧㄤˉ
I smell, seemingly, the fragrance of the hometown soil

一樣的流水,一樣的月亮,
[yi2 yang4 de5 liu2 shui3 yi2 yang4 de5 yue4 liang4]
ㄧˊ ㄧㄤˋ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄌㄧㄡˊ ㄕㄨㄟˇ ㄧˊ ㄧㄤˋ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄩㄝˋ ㄌㄧㄤˋ
Water flows persistently; moon shines unperturbed;

我已失去了一切歡笑和夢想
[wo3 yi3 shi1 qu4 le5 yi2 qie4 huan1 xiao4 he2 meng4 xiang3]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄧˇ ㄕˉ ㄑㄩˋ ㄌㄜ˙ ㄧˊ ㄑㄧㄝˋㄏㄨㄢˉㄒㄧㄠˋ ㄏㄜˊ ㄇㄥˋ ㄒㄧㄤˇ
I have lost all the joy and dreams.

江水每夜嗚咽地流過,
[jiang1 shui3 mei3 yie4 wu1 yie4 di5 liu2 guo4]
ㄐㄧㄤˉ ㄕㄨㄟˇ ㄇㄟˇ ㄧㄝˋ ㄨˉ ㄧㄝˋ ㄉㄧ˙ ㄌㄧㄡˊ ㄍㄨㄛˋ
River flows by sobbing nightly,

都仿佛流在我的心上。
[dou1 fang3 fu2 liu2 zai4 wo3 de5 xin1 shang4]
ㄉㄡˉ ㄈㄤˇ ㄈㄨˊ ㄌㄧㄡˊ ㄗㄞˋ ㄨㄛˇ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄒㄧㄣˉ ㄕㄤˋ
As if it was tearing over my heart.

我必須回到我的家鄉,
[wo3 bi4 xu1 hui2 dao4 wo3 de5 jia1 xiang1]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄅㄧˋ ㄒㄩˉ ㄏㄨㄟˊ ㄉㄠˋ ㄨㄛˇ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄐㄧㄚˉ ㄒㄧㄤˉ
I must return to my hometown,

為了那没有收割的菜花,
[wei4 le5 na4 mei2 you3 shou1 ge1 de5 cai4 hua1]
ㄨㄟˋ ㄌㄜ˙ ㄋㄚˋ ㄇㄟˊ ㄧㄡˇ ㄕㄡˉ ㄍㄜˉㄉㄜ˙ ㄘㄞˋㄏㄨㄚˉ
For the unharvested vegetable crops,

和那餓瘦了的羔羊。
[he2 na4 e4 shou4 le5 de5 gao1 yang2]
ㄏㄜˊ ㄋㄚˋ ㄜˋ ㄕㄡˋ ㄌㄜ˙ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄍㄠˉ ㄧㄤˊ
For the emaciated lambs.

我必須回去,
[wo3 bi4 xu1 hui2 qu4]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄅㄧˋ ㄒㄩˉ ㄏㄨㄟˊ ㄑㄩˋ
I must return,

從敵人的槍彈底下回去。
[cong2 di2 ren2 de5 qiang1 dan4 di3 xia4 hui2 qu4]
ㄘㄨㄥˊ ㄉㄧˊ ㄖㄣˊ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄑㄧㄤˉ ㄉㄢˋ ㄉㄧˇ ㄒㄧㄚˋ ㄏㄨㄟˊ ㄑㄩˋ
From underneath the enemies’ bullets.

我必需回去,
[wo3 bi4 xu1 hui2 qu4]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄅㄧˋ ㄒㄩˉ ㄏㄨㄟˊ ㄑㄩˋ
I must return,

從敵人的刺刀叢里回去。
[cong2 di2 ren2 de5 ci4 dao1 cong2 li3 hui2 qu4]
ㄘㄨㄥˊ ㄉㄧˊ ㄖㄣˊ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄘˋ ㄉㄠˉ ㄘㄨㄥˊ ㄌㄧˇㄏㄨㄟˊ ㄑㄩˋ
From the midst of the enemies’ bayonets.

把我那打勝仗的刀槍,
[ba3 wo3 na4 da3 sheng4 zhang4 de5 dao1 qiang1]
ㄅㄚˇ ㄨㄛˇ ㄋㄚˋ ㄉㄚˇ ㄕㄥˋ ㄓㄤˋ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄉㄠˉ ㄑㄧㄤˉ
Placing my weapons of victory

放在我生長的地方。
[fang4 zai4 wo3 sheng1 zhang3 de5 di4 fang1]
ㄈㄤˋ ㄗㄞˋ ㄨㄛˇ ㄕㄥˉ ㄓㄤˇ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄉㄧˋ ㄈㄤˉ
Where I came of age.

__Jialing River 嘉陵江

The Jialing River is a major tributary of the Yangtze River. Its eastern source originates from the southern slope of the Qin Mountains 秦嶺 near Feng County 鳳縣 of Shaanxi Province 陝西省.[1]

Its namesake Jialing 嘉陵, the Imperial tomb of King Jia, was once located in the region.[2] Flowing southwestwards, it meets one of its major tributaries Xihan River (西漢水, West Han River) in Lueyang County 略陽縣.[3] Soon after entering the Sichuan Province, it converges with Bailong River 白龍江,[4] its longest tributary, in Guangyuan City 廣元市 before continuing southward and draining into the Yangtze River in Chongqing.

The beauty of the Jialing River is legendary: In Tangchao minghua lu (唐朝名畫錄, Records of Famous Paintings of the Tang Dynasty, c. 840-846 AD), art critic Zhu Jingxuan 朱景玄 stated that during the Tianbao Era 天寶年間 (742-756), Emperor Xuanzong of the Tang Dynasty 唐玄宗 sent artist Wu Dauzi 吳道子to explore the scenery of the Sichuan Basin. It was said that, upon his return, Wu completed the mural “Three Hundred Li[5] of Jialing River Landscape” 嘉陵江山水三百里freehanded on the walls of Tatong Palace 大同殿 within a day.[6]

In Shaanxi, the headwaters of the Jialing River are located inside the Tiantai Mountains National Forest Park 寶雞天台山國家森林公園. Langmusi 郎木寺 near the border of Gansu and Sichuan provinces where the Bailong River originates, is an important monastery compound of the Gelug School of Tibetan Buddhism.[7] Before merging with the Yangtze River in the urban center of Chongqing, the Jialing River passes three gorges—Libi Gorge 濿鼻峽, Wentang Gorge 溫塘峽 and Guanyin Gorge 觀音峽—between Hechuan 合川 and Beibèi 北碚 Districts. The magnificence of this seventeen-mile stretch landscape earns it the name of Jialingjiang Xiaosanxia (嘉陵江小三峽, Three little gorges on the Jialing River), comparable to the Three Gorges of the Yangtze River.[8]

In December 1937, Chongqing became the wartime capital of the KMT government. The Executive Branch and administrative bureaus were situated in the Beibei District. During the same period, Fudan University 復旦大學 evacuated from Shanghai and relocated in Xiaba 夏壩 on the opposite bank of Beibèi. The stunning scenery and the elite culture of Beibèi formed the backdrop of Duanmu Hongliang’s verses Jialing jiang shang 嘉陵江上.

__Duanmu Hongliang 端木蕻良 (1912-1996)[9]

Born Cao Hanwen 曹漢文[10] into a prominent family of Manchu ethnicity in Changtu County 昌圖 of Liaoning Province 遼寧省[11], Duanmu Hongliang was a member of the Chinese Northeast Writers Group 東北作家群.[12] Fleeing from their hometown in the northeastern provinces—Manchuria—to avoid Japanese persecution, these young writers were active in the Central Plain region during the 1930s. Their works reflected the oppression of the Japanese invaders, the suffering of people during the war, and nostalgia for their homeland. The other commonality among the works by these writers was the left-leaning ideology.[13]

In 1928, Duanmu was sent to the elite preparatory school Naikai High school in Tianjin 天津市南開中學.[14] After the 9-1-8 incident, he began organizing Kangri Jukuo Tuan 抗日救國團 (Anti-Japanese Nation Salvation Group) and was expelled from the school. In 1932, he entered the history department of Qinghua University and joined the League of Left-Wing Writers 中國左翼作家聯盟.[15] As the editor of the journal for the League, he established a relationship with the famed author Lu Xun 魯迅. Under Lu’s mentorship, in 1933, he began writing the epic novel The Grassland of the Khorchin Banner《科爾沁旗草原》about a family’s life in Inner Mongolia under the Russian and Japanese oppressions.[16] Although the work, completed in 1935, was not published until 1939, its exquisite depictions of scenery and vivid delivery of characters firmly solidified Duanmu’s literary place among his peers.[17]

After a stint in Shanghai (1936-1937), Duanmu moved to Wuhan 武漢 and married his fellow writer Xiao Hong 蕭紅 in May 1938. They taught at the National Revolutionary University 民族革命大學 in Linfen City 臨汾, Shanxi Province 山西省 from spring to autumn of 1938. Subsequently, Duanmu joined the faculty of Fudan University in Beibèi in the winter of 1938 and remained in Chongqing until early 1940, when he relocated to Hong Kong.[18] Following the Japanese invasion of Hong Kong and the death of Xiao Hong on January 22, 1942, Duanmu found refuge in Guilin 桂林 before continuing his activities in Chongqing, Shanghai and Hong Kong in the 1940s.[19]

In addition to voluminous prose and long-form works, Duanmu Hongliang’s most significant literary contribution in his later years was Cao Xueqin 《曹雪芹》, a biographical fiction on the author of the monumental Dream of the Red Chamber. It reflected his passion for the Red Chamber and his desire to complete Cao’s unfinished work.[20] Duanmu was also an active member of writers’ organizations, such as PEN International 國際筆會, Beijing Writers Association北京作家協會, and China Writers Association 中國作家協會. He passed away in Beijing in 1996.

__Hè Luting[21] 賀綠汀 (1903-1999)

Hè Luting was born in Shaoyang County 邵陽縣 (today’s Shaodong City 邵東市) of Hunan Province 湖南省 in 1903.[22] His artistic life initiated in the spring of 1923 when he entered Yueyun High School 岳雲中學, studying fine art and music. After graduating in 1926, he became a teacher at Yueyun and joined the Chinese Communist Party. In December 1927, he participated in the failed CCP Uprising in Guangzhou.

In 1931, Hè Luting was accepted at the National Conservatory of Music where he studied composition with Huang Zi 黃自.[23] Russian pianist/composer Alexander Tcherpin 齊爾品 came to Shanghai in 1934 and held a competition, searching for piano works with Chinese characters. Hè won the first prize with his submission “Mutong duandi” (牧童短笛, Shepherd’s piccolo) and was awarded the opportunity to study abroad and a scholarship of 100 Yuan.[24] Soon, following the footstep of Huang Zi, he joined the film industry, leading the music department of Mingxing Film Compony 明星影片公司.[25] His best-known film compositions are “Sìjì ge” (四季歌, Song of the four seasons) and “Tianyá genu” (天涯歌女, The wandering songstress), both for the 1937 film Street Angel 馬路天使.[26]

After the Japanese occupation of Shanghai, Hè first went to Wuhan, working for the China Motion Picture Studio 中國電影製片廠, a government-operated studio responsible for producing anti-Japanese propaganda and documentaries. In August 1938, he moved to Chongqing, heading the music department of the Central Broadcasting System 中央廣播電台[27] and teaching music at Yuzai School 育才學校.

Post WWII, Hè was active in Yan’an and the Northeast. In 1949, he became the Chair of the Music Department at Beijing Normal University and was involved in the preparation for the National Music Conservatory (today’s Central Music Conservatory 中央音樂學院). Later that year, he was appointed Director of Shanghai Music Conservatory, his Alma Mater.

A Chinese version of Monsieur Croche,Debussy’s critical essays on various composers, translated by Zhang Yuhe 張裕禾, appeared in 1963. On May 20, an article written by Yao Wenyuan 姚文元 criticizing Debussy’s view being self-indulgent and anti-proletariat, was published in Wenhui Bao (文匯報, Wenhui Daily).[28] Hè Luting, under the pen name Shan Gu 山谷 , responded with his opinions, discrediting Yao sharply. This exchange stirred up a cycle of arguments on placing political judgements over artistic and literary works. Hè, insisting that criticism of music or literature must be based on thorough understanding of the works, became the target of negative commentaries and landed on the wrong side of the political trend.[29]

Being an artist associated with Western music and a high-ranking administrator, Hè, despite his close relationship with CCP, was blacklisted as an Anti-Party and Anti-Socialism individual at the outset of the Cultural Revolution in June of 1966. Both he and his wife were tortured severely by the Red Guards. Hè was officially arrested on March 21, 1968, and remained in jail until 1973. During these years, he was often humiliated and physically abused in so-called “struggle sessions 批鬥大會.”[30] Some of the struggle sessions were broadcast on TV and led by his former student Yu Huiyong 于會泳. Hè stood his ground.[31] His three daughters, refusing to denounce him, were also persecuted. The second daughter Hè Xiaoqiu 賀曉秋, an up-and-coming composer, eventually took her own life.

By 1979, he was reinstated as the Director of Shanghai Music Conservatory. Five years later, he retired with the title of Honorary Director. He died of pneumonia in 1999.

—Jialing jiang shang

Written shortly after Duanmu Hongliang’s arrival in Chongqing, Jialing jiang shang is a free-form vernacular poem. It can be divided into a few sections: Verses one to four are descriptive—the traditional fù 賦 approach; verses five to eight compare the current state to the old times nostalgically—bǐ 比; verses nine to seventeen are filled with arising energy and determinations—xing 興.[32] Most verses rhyme on [ang] ㄤ, while verse nine to twelve all end on the phrase 回去 [hui2 qu4] ㄏㄨㄟˊ ㄑㄩˋ (return).

The opening phrase of verse five, 一樣的流水—literally, “the same flowing water”—was a figurative expression. Duanmu’s hometown Changtu was not near any major body of water. He was likely comparing Jialing River to Songhua River 松花江, the subject of the popular patriotic song by Zhang Hanhui 張寒暉, which might have been the inspiration for the new poem.

According to an anecdotal account by poet/Journalist Zhang Tianshou 張天授, during a visit by Fang Yin 方殷, a fellow member of the League of Left-Wing Writers, Duanmu commented on Songhua jiang shang, saying that it was worthy of all the enthusiasm but was too despondent. Fang encouraged him to create his own verses with more invigorating spirit. Later, Fang invited Hè Luting to set the newly written verses to music.

Several things are noteworthy in Hè’s musical setting, first published in the inaugural issue of the music journal Yue Feng 樂風 in January 1940:

  • Parallel phraseologies between the texts and music: After the eight-bar piano introduction, the vocal line opens with a dramatic leap of a sixth, emphasizing the word tian (天, day) before continuing through the verses in a narrative manner, while the piano, seemingly only punctuating the measures, subtly handles the emotional transitions as the tension of the words rises and falls. The first turning point takes place in m. 18 with a cross-range large leap followed by descending arpeggio in the right-hand part. Where the text moves from remembering the tragic past to realizations of the current moment. As the emotion intensifies, the musical dynamics increase accordingly. Then, in m. 25, with solemn repeating chords, the piano accompaniment leads the vocal lines into a reflective mood for verses five to eight. At the end of this section, in m. 38, the piano part rises up, taking the piece into its final climax.
  • Influences from Western vocal traditions: As a whole, the piece has the style of an Italian arioso. Throughout the entire song, the vocal lines, punctuated by the tonic and the dominant, clearly delineate the minor tonality.  In the introduction, after an octave call with sustained notes, the piano delivers a descending pattern characteristic of an operatic melisma (mm. 3-4). This pattern recurs in the lower piano part in mm 31-32, where it can be interpreted as the murmuring sound of the river, mentioned in the following line of lyrics. Other rhetorical figures include the melismatic treatment of the word 笑 (laughter) in m. 29 and the short trill in m. 48 on 羔 (lambs), both examples of onomatopoeia.
  • The simplicity of the piano accompaniment allows the singer the freedom to punctuate the texts and deliver the emotional details.

In comparison to Songhua jiang shang, Jialing jiang shang is, technically, a more challenging work for the singer. During the wartime, it never gained the popularity that Songhua jiang shang enjoyed. Nevertheless, it became a staple of recital repertoire in later years. Renowned bass-baritone Sze Yikwei 斯義桂 included the song in his recital at Taipei City Hall 中山堂 in August 1957.[33] It was a rare performance of the piece in Taiwan, which would have been prohibited under martial law for the song’s political lineage. In 2016, baritone Sheng Yang 沈洋 gave his interpretation of Jialing jiang shang in a recital commemorating the first decades of Chinese art songs (1919-1945). The song will likely stand the test of time just like the river.


[1] 嘉陵江水系; Google Map, Jialing River Source
[2] Zhao Jia 趙嘉, aka King Jia of Dai 代王嘉, was the last surviving member of the royal family of the State of Zhao during the Warring State Period. His mausoleum is no longer in existence. A mountain in the region is named Daiwang Shan (代王山, Mountain of King Dai).Jia_of_Zhao_Wiki
[3] The headwaters of Xihan River originate near Li County 禮縣, Gansu Province 甘肅省 from the southwestern slopes of western Qin Mountains. Xihan_river_grokipedia
[4] Bailong River (白龍江, White Dragon River) begins at Langmu Temple 郎木寺 in Zoigê 若爾蓋縣, the northernmost county of the Sichuan Province and a Autonomous Prefecture of Tibetan and Qiang.
Bailong_River_Wiki, Zoigê County_Wiki, 若爾蓋縣_zh.wiki/zh-tw
[5] See Endnote 1 in Musical-settings-xvi-ballad-of-the-great-wall-長城謠_goldfishodyssey.com
[6] Wu_Daozi_Wiki,. 唐朝名畫錄, 中國哲學書電子化計劃_ctext.org
Zhu mentioned that a second painter Li Sixun 李思訓 was also summoned to paint in the palace. Contrary to Wu, Li spent months to achieve realistic details: “. . . 時有李思訓將軍,山水擅名,帝亦宣於大同殿圖,累月方畢。明皇云:「李思訓數月之功,吳道子一日之迹,皆極其妙也。」” Nevertheless, Li died decades earlier in 718.
[7] 郎木寺_zh.wiki , taktsang-lhamo-monastery_mandala.library.virginia.edu
[8] Hechuan,_Chongqing_Wiki, Beibei,_Chongqing_Wiki,
Apple Maps, Jialingjiang Xiaosanxia, 嘉陵江小三峽_baike.baidu.com
[9] 端木 Duanmu is a rare compound (two-character) surname 複姓. Duanmu_Wiki
[10]In 1928, Duanmu changed his name to Cao Jingping 曹京平 for his respect to Warring Stats Period poet Qu Yuan (c. 340 BC – 278 BC). His other noms de plume included Quan Yè 荃葉, Luo Xuan 羅旋, Xin Ren 辛人, Yè Zhilin 葉之琳, Cao Ping 曹坪.
[11] Liaoning was previously known as Fengtian 奉天 and was renamed in 1929.
[12] Chinese_Northeast_Writers_Group_Wiki, 東北作家群_zh.wikipedia.org/zh-tw
[13] https:///The Iron Flood and Its-Manchurian Followers_Rethinking the Northeastern Writers Ggroup in A Global Context_Liu Dong/www.csgc.hku.hk
[14] Tianjin_Nankai_High_School_Wiki
[15] League_of_Left-Wing_Writers_Wiki
[16] Michael Lestz, “Duanmu Hongliang and the Background of ‘Looking for a House,’” Modern Chinese Literature Newsletter 6, no. 1 (1980): 26. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42769651
[17] 阿魯科爾沁旗_zh.wikipedia.org/zh-tw , Banners_of_Inner_Mongolia_Wiki, Ar_Horqin_Banner_Wiki, 科爾沁旗草原.pdf_wikipedia_commons
[18] https://www.chinawriter.com.cn/n1/2020/1119/c404063-31936611.html
This webpage contains an image of a hand-written entry form (c. 1982) for Who’s Who in China 中國名人錄 with a chronological listing of Duanmu’s professional activities.
[19] Lestz, Ibid., 27.
[20] Duanmu’s essays on his interpretation of the Red Chamber are collected and edited by Xu Xuepeng 徐學鵬 in Dream of the Red Chamber: detailed interpretation 細說紅樓夢, edited by (Writers Publishing House 作家出版社, 2006).
[21] The surname 賀 is a fourth-tone word, pronounced with a schwa-sounding vowel and an “h”-sounding consonance: Youtube.com/賀 It is marked /xɤ⁵¹/ in IPA and ㄏㄜˋin Zhuyin. Its pinyin, hè, should not be confused with the English third-person pronoun “he.” 綠, meaning “green,” is usually pronounced lǜ. Here, a less common pronunciation lù is applied.
[22] Hè’s birthname was Anqing 安卿. He also went by Kai 楷 and Baozhen 抱真.
[23] Hè Luting was later known as one of the Four Great Disciples of Huang Zi 黃自四大弟子, along with Chen Tianhe 陳田鶴, Jiang Dingxian 江定仙, and Liu Xue’an 劉雪庵.
[24] Hè submitted three pieces for the competition. With the one prize per person rule, his “Lullaby” was placed an honorary second. Melodically, Mudong duandi is of the character of Chinese folksongs. In simple A-B-A form, its outer sections are in fluent two-part polyphonic imitation. The middle section is with vivid staccato accompaniment.
[25] Mingxing_Wiki
[26] Both songs were based on folk ballades of Suzhou 蘇州. The_Wandering_Songstress_Wiki, Youtube.com/周璇 四季歌, Youtube.com/周璇 天涯歌女
[27] Radio_Taiwan_International#History_Wiki
[28] Yao_Wenyuan_Wiki, Wenhui_Bao_Wiki
[29]monsieur_croche_debussy_archive.org, debussy-changed-scholars-fate_interlude.hk
[30] Struggle_session_Wiki
[31] Yu_Huiyong_Wiki, waou.com.mo/2023/12/21/新華澳報—文革四位帥哥部長的最終結局
[32] Chinese-poetry-i-classic-of-poetry-詩經_goldfishodyssey
[33] Youtube.com/斯義桂 Live in Taipei, 1957