Musical Settings (IX): “Listening to the Rain” 聽雨

This entry is part 31 of 40 in the series Chinese Art Song

__ Listening to the Rain 聽雨

我來北地將半年
It has been almost half a year since my arriving in the northern land.
[wo3 lai2 bei3di4 jiang1 ban4 nian2]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄌㄞˊ ㄅㄟˇ ㄉㄧˋ ㄐㄧㄤ ㄅㄢˋ ㄋㄧˊ

今日初聽一宵雨
Today, for the first time, I heard the rain throughout the night.
[jin1 ri4 chu1 ting1 yi4 xiao1 yu3]
ㄐㄧㄣ ㄖˋ ㄔㄨ ㄊㄧㄥ ㄧˋ ㄒㄧㄠ ㄩˇ

若移此雨在江南
If we move this rain south of the River,[1]
[ruo4 yi2 ci3 yu3 zai4 jiang1 nan2]
ㄖㄨㄛˋ ㄧˊ ㄘˇ ㄩˇ ㄗㄞˋ ㄐㄧㄤ ㄋㄢˊ

故園新筍添幾許
Our old orchard would have had a few more new bamboo shoots.
[gu4 yuan2 xin1 sun3 tian1 ji3 xu3]
ㄍㄨˋ ㄩㄢˊ ㄒㄧㄣ ㄙㄨㄣˇ ㄊㄧㄢ ㄐㄧˇ ㄒㄩˇ

__March 24, 1918, Liu Bannong

A proponent of new literature, Liu Bannong would occasionally return to the traditional poetic styles in his works. “Ting yü 聽雨” [Listening to the rain] from the Upper part (上卷) of Yangbian Ji 揚鞭集 (1926) was one of these poems.

At the first glance, the poem seems to be a typical seven-character jueju 七言絕句.[2] The detailed structure, on the other hand, revels characters of modern language. In traditional seven-word jueju, the even-number verses share the same rhyme. In some formats, the first verse will rhyme with the even-number verses. The rhymed words must be on the level tone 平聲. There are two rhymes in Liu’s poem. Lines one and three rhymes on the phoneme [an/ㄢ]. Both “年”and “南,” are second-tone words, therefore, of “rising-level” tone 陽平in theory. Linese two and four rhymes on [ü/ㄩ]. Both “雨”and “許” are third-tone words. The contemporary third tone is considered “oblique/slanting” tone 仄聲, not used in traditional rhymes.

Liu began teaching at Beijing University in 1917. In the short poem, written in the spring of the following year, the young first-time professor eloquently expressed his nostalgia for the South. His vocabulary was simple yet captivating, echoing the elegance of ancient poetry. The linguistic fluidity created a natural musicality.

Listening to the rain all night. . . The poet was most likely alone. The rain, a common weather phenomenon of the South, reminded him that half a year had passed since his arrival in the North. Along with the rain, another growing season would have started in his hometown. In the old orchard, new bamboo shoots would have burst out of the ground impatiently. Other than the excitement of harvesting bamboo shoots, would he also be remembering the musty smell of the moist soil?

Liu’s birthplace Jiangyin of Jiangsu Province is on the southern bank of the Yangtze River. Zhao Yuanren who set the poem to music was a native of Changzhou, located about 30 miles southwest of Jiangyin. His twenty-one-measure setting was a spiritual and linguistic tribute to their southern roots.

From a very early age, Zhao was taught traditional poetry and Chinese Classics in Changzhou dialect by family tutors. Meanwhile, due to his father’s work, the family lived in various northern cities where Mandarin was the commonly spoken language. They moved back to Jiangsu in 1902. Already a teenager, Zhao had a new awareness of his linguistic roots. In his memoir, he testified the impact of this transitional period:

Psychologists tell us that a personality is formed very early in one’s life, maybe before one learns to speak. But so far as I can remember as a non-psychologist, I experienced more changes in myself and in people around me during my second nine years than in any other period of my life. During those years the speech of my environment changed from Mandarin to that of Changchow, a Wu dialect. . .. This was the first time I really felt at home both geographically and linguistically, now that I had learned not only to read, but also to speak in the Changchow dialect.[3]

心理學家說,一個人的性格在早年便已形成,或許在學習說話之前。我並非心理學者,可是據我記憶,在我第二個九年當中,我自己以及圍繞我四周的人們,改變得較我一生其他時期都要多。在這幾年期間,我周圍人講的不再是官話,而是常州話。. . . 在地理上,且在修辭學上而言,這是第一次我真正感覺住在家鄉,我不僅學會唸書,且能講常州話。[4]

Coming from a linguist who spoke multiple Western languages and over thirty Chinese dialects, this statement gave us the insight of Zhao’s intrinsic connection to his native tongue. Unsurprisingly, he used the tune of traditional Changzhou poetic chanting as the foundation of “Listening to the Rain.”

__Changzhou Poetic Chanting 常州吟唱

The versification of the traditional Chinese poetry was rooted in tonal patterns. Each poetic form has, therefore, a distinct pitch contour which gradually evolved into melodic phrases. For thousands of years, poetic chanting made it easy for children to memorize verses and enhanced the appreciation of sounds and sentiments for elite scholars. Since regional dialects have their own tonal systems, poetic changing practices diverge accordingly.[5]

Zhao Yuanren was first introduced to Tang poetry by his mother and, at the age of four, continued learning from family tutors. In Lesson 22 of Mandarin Primer Records 國語入門 (1955), Zhao, as one of the interlocutors, retold his experience and chanted two poems—”Mooring by the Maple Bridge 楓橋夜泊” by Chang Chi 張繼 and “Night Thought 靜夜思” by Li Po 李白.[6] He used the same poems in “Tone, Intonation, Singsong, Chanting, Recitative, Tonal Composition, and Atonal Composition in Chinese” (1956) to demonstrate the stylistic differences between chanting the “antique poem” and “metric poem.” Two versions of melodic transcriptions were given to each poem to show the variants of chanting the same words.[7] The second versions are in the singsong 唱讀 style, following the tones of each word closely and with less movements between words.[8]

“Mooring by the Maple Bridge 楓橋夜泊,” 7-character metric poem, version 1[9]

“Mooring by the Maple Bridge 楓橋夜泊,” 7-character metric poem, version 2

“Night Thought 靜夜思,” 5-character antique poem, version 1

“Night Thought 靜夜思,” 5-character antique poem, version 2

“常州吟詩的樂調十七例 Seventeen Examples of Melodies for Chanting Poetry in the Ch’angchow (Kiangsu) Dialect,” published in 1961, was a much more extended and systematic documentation and examination of Changzhou chanting, encompassing various styles of poetry.[10] In the conclusion, Zhao summarized the differences between the “antique” and “metric” styles:

  • The antique style is lower in pitch.[11]
  • The antique style is faster than the metric style.
  • The antique style is more rhythmic, and the metric style is more rubato.[12]
  • The antique style is more rhythmic than the metric. It is, nevertheless, less regular than ordinary music. Therefore, it is not always appropriate to assign the melodies to strict meters and time signature.
  • The geographical/regional differences are more obvious in the antique style.[13]
  • In general, the melodies of the Changzhou chanting are in major mode (or Ionian). The metric style mostly ends on the third degree, which gives an effect of the Phrygian mode.

In April 1971, during the third conference of Chinese Oral and Performing Literature (CHINOPERL), along with prose literature—both classical and popular—which he discussed in 1956 essay, Zhao recited these seventeen poems. His presentation as well as the northern style chanting by Cheng Xi 程曦 were recorded by Liu Chun-Jo 劉君若, a professor at the University of Minnesota. In 2009, Zhao Yuanren Cheng Xi yin song yi yin lu 趙元任程曦吟诵遗音錄, a compilation of the original recordings as well as related writings edited by Qin Dexiang 秦德祥, were brought to light.[14]

__ “Ting yü 聽雨” (1927)

Zhao’s setting of “Listening to the Rain” is based on the melody of the antique style chant: [15]

A straightforward chanting of these words takes less than twenty seconds. Zhao humorously commented that there would not be enough rain for new bamboo shoots to pop up in the old orchard. So, he added rhythm details, and set the tempo to “Andante ♩=72.”

While maintaining the narrow vocal range of a tenth in his setting, he allowed wider melodic movements in his setting. In verses three and four—mm. 13 – 21, the vocal lines swung back and forth between the lowest pitch to the highest one. This gesture not only heightened the emotional content but also enhanced the linguistic ebb and flow—the intonation of the Chinese language, which Zhao explained in “Tone, Singsong and Composition in Chinese” (1956):

The actual pitch movement of Chinese speech is the algebraic sum of tone and intonation. If an upswing of a sentence coincides with a rising tone, the rising tone will be higher than usual. If a falling intonation coincides with a rising tone, the rising tone will rise less or be made at a lower register than the first part of the sentence. . .. [16]

In the “Tonal composition” section of the above-cited article, Zhao addressed the differences between singing a song and chanting:

Singing a song differs from chanting in that the singer is expected to sing the same tune to the same song on repetition. The fixed tune may have been deliberately composed by a composer or simply have grown from tradition into one or possibly several alternate versions[.] . . .Such a composition differs from chanting in that once it is on paper, the singer is bound to follow what has been set down and is not free to improvise on the basis of tones, as he goes along. Since, however, much of Chinese music is written without indication of embellishments, the singer is allowed and expected, within limits of good and bad taste, to introduce grace notes of his own to the main melody. Some of the grace notes follow conventional musical usage, such as free addition of a note by way of an échappée. Others are added in order to “smuggle in” the tone, if note already suggested in the main melody. The effect of smuggling in the tones is that of clearer “diction” (in the singing-lesson sense), since phonemic tone is part of the constituent elements of the word.[17]

Clearly, a proper delivery of “Ting yü,” showcasing the tonal elements of the text while faithful to the notated score, requires a comprehensive understanding of its linguistic and musical background. Technically, an operatic approach should be avoided.

For the pianist, Zhao’s recommendations were simple: Treat the eighth-note motive like rain drops; think of Chopin’s Prelude, Op. 28, No. 15. In performance, it is crucial to not sound like a musical drone.[18] Instead, the accompaniment should allow the singer spontaneity in tempo and phrasing.


[1] 江南 [jiang nan], literally “river”-“south,” refers to the geographic area south of Yangtze River.
[2] https://goldfishodyssey.com/2021/02/21/chinese-poetry-vii-tang-poetry/
[3] Zhao Yuanren, “Yuan Ren Chao’s Autobiography: First 30 Years, 1892-1921: Part II, My Second Nine Years,” in Zhao Yuanren quan ji 趙元任全集, (Beijing: Shang wu yin shu guan 商務印書館 2002-), Vol. 15, Part I, 401-403.
There are two types of Changzhou dialect: the gentry talk 鄉紳話, spoken by elites, and the street talk 街談, spoken by the commoners. Their tonal systems are slightly different. Zhao was not aware of the street talk until he was nine years old. See “The Changchow Dialect,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 90, No. 1 (Jan. – Mar., 1970), 49-50.
[4] “趙元任早年自傳: 第二部分, 第二個九年,” in ibid., Part II, 824-825. [5] Recitations/chanting of poems in various dialects can be found on YouTube.
[6] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cmf50VCRpcQ Mandarin Rimer Records, 1955, New York, FP8002 Folkways Records, Band 6A, Track 3.
The chanting of the first poem begins at 3:11 of the video and ends at 3:33; the second one, 3:56 to 4:08.
See Smithsonian/folkways.si.edu/yuen-ren-chao/the-mandarin-primer for the original liner notes.
In this five-minute lesson, Zhao played multiple characters each spoke a different dialect: The Waiter in Nanjing dialect; Speaker A, Chongqing dialect; Speaker B, Mandarin; and the tea-egg vender, Shanghainese.
[7] Chao Yuen-Ren, “Tone, Intonation, Singsong, Chanting, Recitative, Tonal Composition, and Atonal Composition in Chinese” in For Roman Jakobson: Essays on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday, 11 October 1956 (Mouton, The Hague, 1956), 52-59.
Recitations by Qin Dexiang 秦德祥, based on these transcriptions, were included in Zhao Yuanren Cheng Xi yin song yi yin lu 趙元任程曦吟诵遗音錄 [Recordings of chanting and recitations by Zhao Yuranren and Cheng Xi], compiled by Qin, (Beijing: Shang wu yin shu guan, 2009). https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_87LWMWYLfo&t=144s
[8] “Tone, Singsong, and Composition in Chinese” (1956), 54-56. The abbreviated title was taken from the original publication cited above.
劉紅霞, “由《趙元任程曦吟誦遺音錄》看中國傳統詩文吟誦”, 中國孔子網, August 28, 2019, http://www.chinakongzi.org/zt/4189/lw/201908/t20190828_199657.htm
[9] The original transcription of this version was in quadruple time throughout. For western-trained ears, the stresses and the word movements do not always match. I modified the time signatures according to Zhao’s chanting.
The seven word-tones are:
Number                 Tone class                             Tone value on the 5-point scale
1                              Upper Even 陽平                 23:
2                              Lower Even 陰平                14:
3                              Upper Rising 陽上              55:
4                              Upper Going 陽去               524:
5                              Lower Going 陰去              24:
6                              Upper Entering 陽入           5:
7                              Lower Entering 陰入          23:
See Tone_letter#Chao_tone_letters_(IPA)_Wiki for the 5-point tone scale. In versification, the two even tones are considered level tones. All other tones are oblique. Tone indicators were missing for the final words of verses two and four.
[10] “常州吟詩的樂調十七例” in Qing zhu Dong Zuobin xian sheng liu shi wu sui lun wen ji 慶祝董作賓先生六十五歲論文集 [Studies presented to Dong Zuobin on his sixty-fifth birthday], (Taipei: Zhong yan yan jiu yuan Li shi yu yan yan jiu suo 中央硏究院歷史語言硏究所, 1961): 467-471.
The English version is included in Zhao Yuanren quan ji 趙元任全集, Vol. 11, Part II, 567-572.
[11] The pitches were relative to the chanter’s voice and not absolute.
[12] Here, the word “rhythmic” seemed to be used to indicate the more syllabic style with straightforward movement.
[13] The fixed tonal patterns in the metric style contribute to the relative uniformity. On this point, the English version diverge slightly from the Chinese original. Zhao mentioned the civil service exams was a possible reason for the uniformity.
[14] See note 7.
The sound files also include Qin Dexian’s reading of the opening verses of Chang Hen Ge 長恨歌 [Song of Everlasting Regret], a poem of the seven-character ancient style, by Bai Juyi 白居易 (772-846).

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_87LWMWYLfo&t=122s, 2:00-2:17.
Zhao Yuanren first used the excerpt to explain the differences between musical phrases and literary phrases in his article “On Time” 說時 in Kexue 科學 [Science, monthly] , Vol. 2, 1916. The segment on “Musical Time” is excepted in Zhongguo jin dai yin yue shi liao hui bian, 1840-1919 中國近代音樂史料匯編 1840-1919, Chang Jingwei 張靜蔚 edited, Ren min yin yue chu ban she人民音樂出版社, Beijing 1998, 261-274. In 1956, Zhao was hoping to record the long narrative poem. Overwhelmed by nostalgic emotion, he gave up the attempts in tears. The incident was noted in his diary and retold by his second daughter.
[15] In his original numerical notation, the composer, while giving no time signature, used bar lines dividing each verse into 2-2-2-1 pattern. From his recorded chanting, we understand that such strict division does not exist in practice. Therefore, when converting the melody to staff notation, I removed most bar lines. A sample reading of this particular melody in Changzhou dialect by Qin Dexian was included in the appended segment of his 2009 edition. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_87LWMWYLfo&t=122s, 1:45-2:00.
[16] “Tone, Singsong and Composition in Chinese,” 53.
[17] Ibid., 57.
[18] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Drone_(sound)

Chinese Poetry (X): The Great River Flows Eastwards 大江東去

This entry is part 15 of 40 in the series Chinese Art Song

蘇軾  Su Shi
念奴嬌 “Niàn-Nú jiāo”
[“The delightfulness of Niàn-Nú”]
赤壁懷古  Reminiscence of the Legends at Red Cliffs

大江東去,浪淘盡,千古風流人物。
The Great River flows eastwards.
Its roaring waves sweep away legendary figures of thousand-year past.
故壘西邊,人道是,三國周郎赤壁。
West of the ancient fortress,
Was said to be, Red Cliffs where young master Zhou of the Three Kingdoms led the battle.
亂石穿空,驚濤拍岸,捲起千堆雪。[1]
Jagged rocks pierce the sky,
Astonishing waves thrash the banks, hurling up massive snow-like foams.
江山如畫,一時多少豪傑。
Picturesque landscape of river and mountains,
Once inspired innumerable greats.

* * * * * * * * *

遙想公瑾當年,小喬初嫁了,雄姿英發,
I reminisce: Zhou Gongjin in his prime,
Newly espoused to the younger Qiao, radiant, majestic in bearing.
羽扇綸巾,談笑間,檣櫓灰飛煙滅。[2]
Holding a feather fan, donning a silk headscarf,
While he conversed casually, fleets of his enemies dispersed into smoke and ashes.
故國神遊,多情應笑我,早生華髪。
My thoughts meander through ancient dynasties.
Folks shall tease me for being overly sentimental, turning gray prematurely.
人生如夢,一尊還酹江月。
Life is like a dream.
Let me make an offering of wine to the reflection of the moon in the river.[3]

* * * * * * * * *

The Poet

Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037-1101), courtesy name Zizhan 子瞻, pen name Dongpo 東坡 , was one of the leading poets of the Song Dynasty. Born into a literary family in today’s Sichuan Province, Su Shi showed great interest and talent in writing at a young age. Before turning twenty, he successfully ranked jinshi 進士 in the imperial civil examination and qualified for government appointments. His mother’s death in the same year, however, put a pause to the initiation of his administrative career. In 1061, with impeccable performance, Su Shi passed the decreed exam, held periodically by the imperial order seeking exceptional talents in specified area. In the following decades, he held various official positions. Unfortunately, towards the end of the Northern Song Dynasty, the imperial court was plagued by partisan conflicts. Su’s straightforwardness often placed him in vulnerable politcal positions. Twice he was forced into exile.[4]

Most respected for his poems, he was also admired for his prose writing, painting, and calligraphy. Collectively, Su Shi, his father Su Xun 蘇洵, and his younger brother Su Zhe 蘇轍 were known as “The Three Sus” 三蘇. They were among the Eight Prose Giants of the Tang and Song Dynasties 唐宋八大家, advocating “classical prose” in plain and clear language, against the highly stylish yet esoteric pianwen 駢文 (parallel prose).[5]

A prolific poet, Su Shi was equally accomplished in shi, ci, and . Nevertheless, he was most influential in the development of ci. With wide range of subjects, eloquence, and authenticity, he further elevated the literary quality of the genre. Later critics would characterize his works as “vivid,” “open-minded,” “profound,” and “passionate.” He and Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 were recognized as the leaders of the hoafang 豪放 (magnificent and free-spirited) school of ci.[6]

The Tune

Niàn-Nú 念奴 was believed to be the name of a songstress in the Tang Dynasty, beloved by Emperor Xuanzong. Jiāo 嬌 refers to a feminine deportment, submissive yet delightful. Consisting of one hundred characters/words, “Niàn-Nú jiāo” is also called “bǎi-zì lìnɡ” 百字令 (“Hundred-word-tune”). In reference to Su Shi’s setting, the tune is commonly known as “dà jiāng dōng qù” 大江東去, “Chìbì cí” 赤壁詞, and “lèi jiāng yùe” 酹江月 (or “lèi yùe” 酹月).[7]

The standard structure of “Niàn-Nú jiāo” is of two stanzas.[8] There are ten verses in each stanza. Verses 3, 5, 8 and 10 are rhymed. The same rhyme, most often in “entering tone,” is used throughout. Prosodic patterns of verses 4 to 10 are identical in both stanzas. As poets took the liberty of breaking and combining verses, the number and length of verses were often varied.

Battle of Chìbì 赤壁之戰

At the end of the Han Dynasty, Cao Cao 曹操 controlled the territory north of the Yangtze River while Lui Bei 劉備 and Sun Quan 孫權 rivaled in the south. In 208 AD, with the intention of unifying the nation, Cao Cao commanded his army southwards. After initial successes, Cao and his troops advanced along the river, forcing Liu and Sun to form an alliance.

In the winter of the same year, the alliance forces traveling upstream confronted Cao’s navy at Chìbì 赤壁. Numerically, Cao’s force had overwhelming dominance. Yet, the majority of them were from the northen plain and not used to naval warfare. Afflicted by exhaustion, low morale and disease, they retreated to Wulín 烏林 on the north shore.

Across the river, a combined force of well-trained fighters prepared for battle. At the same time, led by Sun’s chief commander Zhou Yu, a strategic plot was developed: Huang Gai, a subordinate of Zhou, noticed that Cao Cao’s battleships were linked together—perhaps, to ease seasickness of his men. Huang proposed to destroy them by fire.

Following a staged confrontation between Zhou and Huang, a messenger was sent to Cao’s camp delivering a letter indicating Huang’s intention to surrender. Ten battle ships loaded with incendiaries were to be followed by small boats. Midway across the river, Huang ordered his fleet to raise their oars shouting, “We surrender!” As the Cao navy was distracted by the cries, Huang’s sailors set fire to the battleships while backing onto the small boats. Aided by southeastern wind, the unmanned fire ships quickly reached the Cao camp and burned the chained ships.[9]

A small number of Sun-Liu’s men continued to assault the remnant of Cao’s troops along the river and on land. Defeated and concerned about the security of the home front, Cao eventually returned to the north and never attempted to invade the south again. Despite the victory, the Sun’s force was weakened during the battle. On the other hand, Liu Bei, having conquered parts of the strategic stronghold Jing Province 荊州 in 208, gained a negotiating advantage.[10]

As the Eastern Han Dynasty fell, Cao, Sun and Liu divided the nation. Cao’s State “Wei” 魏 occupied the northern region. Liu’s “Shu Han” 蜀漢 covered the midstream Yangtze—today’s Sichuan Province, as well as Yunnan, Guizhou, and northern Guangxi. “Sun Wu” 孫吳 ruled the lower Yangtze basin—today’s southeastern provinces. The Three Kingdom period lasted from 220 to 280.[11]

Earliest accounts of the Battle of Chìbì were included in The Records of the Three Kingdoms 三國志 written by Chen Shou 陳壽 (233-279). Sima Guang (1019-1086), a historian of the Song Dynasty, gave detailed descriptions of the battle in chapter 65 of ZiZhi Tongjian 資治通鑑 (published in 1084). Nonetheless, it was the vivid storytelling in the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義 by Luo Guanzhong 羅貫中 (1320? – 1400?) that captured the hearts and minds of generations of Chinese readers.[12]

Zhou Yu 周瑜

Zhou Yu (175-210), courtesy name Gongjin 公瑾, was born into a prestigious family of high-ranking officers. He first served under Sun Quan’s brother Sun Ce 孫策. Similar in age, Sun Ce and Zhou Yu established a close relationship. At the age of 24, they married the beautiful Qiao sisters: Sun married the older sister (“Da Qiao”) and Zhou, the younger one (“Xiao Qiao”). In the following year, Ce was assassinated. Zhou began advising Ce’s younger brother Quan. Most historical sources credited Zhou Yu for leading and winning the Battle of Chìbì.

A military man, Zhou was known to have great musical intuition. It was said that, even after three rounds of drinks, he was able to detect any musical mistakes and would throw a look at the musician.[13] He was said to have a very handsome appearance and was nicknamed “Mei Zhou Lang” (“Beautiful Young Master Zhou”). He was also praised for his noble character.

In 210, Zhou Yu proposed to invade Yi Province 益州, governed by Liu Zhang 劉璋, and then, annex the Hanzhong 漢中 region, controlled by Zhang Lu 張魯. The goal was to force a north-south power balance between Cao and Sun. During the preparation for the new campaign, on his way to Jiangling 江陵, he died at Baqiu 巴丘.[14]

Reminiscence of the Legends at Red Cliffs 赤壁懷古

Due to sarcasm in his poems and partisan conflicts at the imperial court, Su Shi was exiled between 1080 and 1086 in Huangzhou 黃州.[15] In the autumn of 1082, he took a boat trip with a few friends to nearby Chìbì Ji 赤壁磯. The excursion inspired the creations of “Former Ode to the Red Cliffs” 前赤壁賦 and “Niàn-Nú jiāo—Reminiscence of the Legends at Red Cliffs” 念奴嬌, 赤壁懷古.[16] Calligraphy for the Ode in the poet’s hand is preserved at National Palace Museum in Taipei.[17]

Chìbì 赤壁 means “red cliffs.” There are multiple locations in China named Chìbì. The location of the Battle of Chìbì had long been in dispute. The most widely accepted place is northwest of today’s Chìbì City, between Wuhan and Yuèyán, on the south shore of the Yangtze River, facing Wulin on the north shore. Huangzhou Chìbì Ji 黃州赤壁磯 where Su Shi visited is also called Chìbí Ji 赤鼻磯 “Red Nose Rock.”[18] It is several hundred miles downstream from Wulin. Whether or not Su Shi mistook Huangzhou Chìbì as the ancient battlefield, associating the scenery with the legendary event clearly allowed him the freedom to express his feelings.

The stupendous flow of the river was strong enough to wash away thousand-year-old legends; the protrusive cliffs and the thrashing waves, destructive even to the sky and the rocky shores. By guiding the readers into the astonishing landscape and allowing them to imagine the challenges of the battle in such treacherous location, Su Shi avoided gruesome description of the war.

Confident in winning the war, Zhou Yu, dressed casually, was in the company of his beautiful wife. No need for swords and combat, Zhou chatted with ease holding a feather fan. Such was the image that Su Shi created for his hero.

Yet, while the magnificent landscape stood the test of time, mortal lives were transient—regardless of their talents and achievements. Futile pursuits of worldly gains only led to distress. Enlightened, the poet made a toast to the unattainable reflection of the moon.

Su Shi was influenced by Buddhism as well as Taoism since childhood. His parents were both devoted Buddhists. While at a young age, he was sent to a school headed by a Taoist priest. However, a bon vivant,[19] he never led a religious life. In “Niàn-Nú jiāo,” sentiments of escapism are palpable—arguably from impacts from Su’s political tribulation.

The Great River Flows Eastwards . . ..


[1] Another version of this verse reads: “亂石崩雲,驚濤裂岸” “Jagged rocks rupture the clouds, astonishing waves smash the banks.”
[2] “綸巾” guānjīn is a casual headdress made of green silk (青絲). However, the word 青 (green) could also mean “black.” “檣櫓” qiánglǔ (masts and oars) sometimes appears in the homophonous term “強虜” (strong enemies).
[3] 赤壁懷古 chì bì huái gǔ
大江東去,浪淘盡, dà jiāng dōng qù , làng táo jìn 。
千古風流人物。 qiān gǔ fēng liú rén wù 。
故壘西邊,人道是, gù lěi xī biān , rén dào shì ,
三國周郎赤壁。 sān guó zhōu láng chì bì 。
亂石穿空,驚濤拍岸, luàn shí chuān kōng , jīng tāo pāi àn ,
捲起千堆雪。 juàn qǐ qiān duī xuě 。
江山如畫,一時多少豪傑。 jiāng shān rú huà , yī shí duō shǎo háo jié !
遙想公瑾當年,小喬初嫁了, yáo xiǎng gōng jǐn dāng nián , xiǎo qiáo chū jià liǎo ,
雄姿英發, xióng zī yīng fā ,
羽扇綸巾,談笑間, yǔ shàn guān jīn , tán xiào jiān ,
檣櫓灰飛煙滅。 qiáng lǔ huī fēi yān miè 。
故國神遊,多情應笑我, gù guó shén yóu , duō qíng yīng xiào wǒ ,
早生華髪。 zǎo shēng huá fā 。
人生如夢,一尊還酹江月。 rén jiān rú mèng , yī zūn huán lèi jiāng yuè 。
[4] Su_Shi_Wiki
[5] Eight-great-prose-masters-of-tang-song_youngchinatravel.com, Pianwen_Wiki
[6] Xin_Qiji_Wiki
Haofang_School_chinesethought.cn_EN
[7] Other alternate names of “Niàn-Nú jiāo” include “hú zhōng tiān” 壺中天, “xiāng yuè” 湘月, “xìng huā tiān” 杏花天, etc.
[8] “Píng gāo tiào yuǎn” 憑空眺遠, another setting by Su Shi, is often used as the model for the standard form of Niàn-Nú jiāo.
[9] 資治通鑑/卷 65: 「瑜等在南岸,瑜部將黃蓋曰:「今寇眾我寡,難與持久。操軍方連船艦,首尾相接,可燒而走也。」乃取蒙沖鬥艦十艘,載燥荻、枯柴、灌油其中,裹以帷幕,上建旌旗,預備走舸,繫於其尾。先以書遺操,詐雲欲降。時東南風急,蓋以十艦最著前,中江舉帆,餘船以次俱進。操軍吏士皆出營立觀,指言蓋降。去北軍二里餘,同時發火,火烈風猛,船往如箭,燒盡北船. . .. 」
[10] Lopez, Vincent. “Fanning the Flames of War: Considering the Military Value of the Three Kingdoms Period in Chinese History at the Battle of Chi Bi.” American Journal of Chinese Studies 17, no. 2 (2010): 145-54. Accessed June 9, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44288933.
[11] Three_Kingdoms_Wiki
[12] Records_of_the_Three_Kingdoms_Wiki, Zizhi_Tongjian_Wiki
Romance_of_the_Three_Kingdoms_Wiki
[13] 三國志/卷 54: 瑜少精意於音樂。雖三爵之後,其有闕誤。瑜必知之,知之必顧,故時人謠曰:「曲有誤,周郎顧。」
[14] Zhou_Yu_Wiki
[15] Su Shi’s mentor Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 was among the officials convicted during the incident known as “Crow Terrace Poetry Trial” 烏臺詩案. Clearly a case of “guilt by association,” Su was exiled as the government of Huangzhou. Crow_Terrace_Poetry_Trial_Wiki
[16] The introduction of the Ode opened with the date of the excursion: “Autumn of Renxu, in the seventh month after the full moon”—August 18, 1082 in the Gregorian calendar.
[17] Image_Su_Shi-Former_Ode_on_the_Red_Cliff_Wiki
[18] Battle_of_Red_Cliffs#Location_Wiki
Chibizhen-Wulinzhen-Hubei_Google_map
Dongpo-Red-Cliffs_Goolgle_map
To differentiate the two locations, Huangzhou Chìbì is often called Dongpo Red Cliffs or Literary Chìbì 文赤壁; the town in Jiayu County, Military Chìbì 武赤壁.
[19] Su Shi enjoyed sightseeing, tea tasting and wine. An epicurean, many Chinese dishes are named after him.