Chinese Poetry (XIV): Verses of Red Beans 紅豆詞

This entry is part 19 of 39 in the series Chinese Art Song

Verses of Red Beans 紅豆詞
Cáo Xuěqín 曹雪芹
Hónglóumèng 紅樓夢 (Dream of the Red Chamber)

滴不盡相思血淚拋紅豆
Drip unceasingly blood-stained tears of longing, casting red beans in the air.
開不完春柳春花滿畫樓
Bloom endlessly the young willows and spring flowers, surrounding the ornate mansion.
睡不穩紗窗風雨黃昏後
Sleep unsettled, wind and rain thrashing the window screens after dusk.
忘不了新愁與舊愁
Forget hardly—sorrows, new and old,
嚥不下玉粒金波噎滿喉
Swallow barely delicate food and lush wine, sorrows choking the throat.
瞧不盡菱花鏡裡花容瘦
Gaze repeatedly in the petal-shaped mirror, countenance waning.
展不開的眉頭, 捱不明的更漏
Open not—furrowed brows,
Endure unending hours never dawning.

啊… 恰便似
Ah, . . . This agony is like:
遮不住的青山隱隱
The vague silhouette of mountains, unconcealable;
流不斷的綠水悠悠
The flowing crystal water, meandering.

__Cáo Xuěqín

Cáo Zhān 曹霑, (c. 1715-c. 1763), courtesy name Xuěqín 雪芹, was a scholar, poet, and author of the Qing Dynasty. His ancestors of Han origin rose through the ranks of military and civil services in the Manchu imperial court. The Kangxi Emperor appointed his great-grandfather Cao Xi 曹璽 (1629-1684) as the Commissioner of Imperial Textiles in Jiangning (today’s Nanjing) 江寧織造, handling production and acquisition of silk and textiles for the imperial court. His grandfather Cao Yin 曹寅 (1658-1712) held similar positions in Suzhou 蘇州 and Jiangning as well as managed the salt production in the Lianghuai 兩淮 area.[1] These administrative positions, though not high in rank, were instrumental to governmental revenue as well as the economic growth of the nation.

Members of the Cao family also had close personal links to the imperial court. Cao Xi’s wife Lady Sun was Kangxi’s wetnurse. As a result, Cao Yin had life-long friendship with the emperor. The Cao residence was set up as the temporary imperial sojourn repeatedly during the emperor’s southern inspection tours.[2] Yin’s eldest daughter, Xueqin’s aunt, was granted marriage to Prince Keqin Na’ersu 克勤郡王訥爾蘇.[3]

As a sportsman, Cao Yin excelled in horsemanship and archery. He was a frequent participant of the imperial hunts. As a learned man, he befriended the intelligentsia and sponsored publications of scholarly works. In 1705, Emperor Kangxi decreed Cao Yin as the lead compiler and editor of an anthology of the Tang-Dynasty poetry. Quan Tangshi 全唐詩 (“The Complete Poems of Tang”), though not without editorial errors, contributed to the revival of Chinese poetic tradition.[4]

After Cao Yin’s death in 1712, his only son Cao Yóng 曹顒, Xueqin’s father, inherited the official position as well as the family wealth. Unfortunately, he died of illness in the winter of 1714 as his wife was pregnant with Xueqin. The emperor praised Cao Yóng for his well-rounded abilities in literature and martial arts. He allowed the family to adopt Cao Fǔ 曹頫 (c. 1695-?), the fourth son of Cao Quan 曹荃 (1661-1708)—Yin’s brother—as the heir.

Unlike his predecessors/ancestors, Cao Fu was negligent in his official duties. In 1728, the sixth year of the reign of the new emperor Yongzheng 雍正, Cao Fu, falling victim to political conflicts, was stripped of his position, and put in prison. The entire wealth of the Cao clan was confiscated. Cao Xueqin, still in his early teens, witnessed the demise of his family and relocated back to their northern roots.

For most of his life, Cao Xueqin lived in poverty outside of Beijing. Few documents about his life exist. Based on anecdotal accounts from his contemporaries, while gifted in painting, and poetry, he was a habitual drinker. By the time of his sudden death around 1763-4, his life-time work Hónglóumèng 紅樓夢 (Dream of the Red Chamber) was incomplete. Manuscripts of the first 80 chapters had been circulating—some are still extant. The first printed version of the novel, edited and extended by Gao E 高鶚 and Cheng Weiyuan 程偉元, was brought to light in 1791. There were 120 chapters in total.

__Shítóu jì 石頭記 (Chronicle of the Stone)

The original title of Hónglóumèng was Shítóu jì. In the opening chapter, functionally a prologue, the author told the story of a stone, discarded by the goddess Nüwa 女媧 when she patched the holes in heaven.[5] Over the eons, having absorbed cosmic spirituality, the stone was brought to the mundane world, with inscriptions, by two transcendental beings—a Buddhist monk and a Daoist priest. Years passed, a Daoist Kongkong 空空道人 found the stone and reveled its legend.[6] From the dialogue between Kongkong and the stone, it is not difficult for the reader to see how the author and the stone are one and the same.

Carved on the stone was an invocation:

___無才可去補蒼天,枉入紅塵若許年。此系身前身後事,倩誰記去作奇傳? “Inadequate for mending the heaven, in vain, falling into the mundane for ages. What preceded. . . what succeeded, whom could be expect to recount the legend?”

What Cao Xueqin proceeded to tell, on the surface, seemed to be frivolous affairs of a noble family. At its core, it was a cautionary tale, reflecting on current events, social hierarchy, and traditional moral values.

The main protagonist of the tale, Jiǎ Bǎoyù 賈寶玉, was the stone incarnated, born with a jade in his mouth.[7] Surrounded by women in his household, he favored his cousin Lín Dàiyù 林黛玉, a sensitive and frail maiden. Yet, Baoyu was destinated to marry another cousin Xuē Bǎochāi 薛寶釵, born with a golden lock. The intricate relationship of the three, interwoven with lives of a network of characters in the Jia family, shaped the framework of the novel.[8]

All novels of the Ming and the Qing Dynasties were written in colloquial style with occasional use of classical literary Chinese. Vernacular expressions in Beijing dialect distinguished Hónglóumèng from other great works. Cao’s language was vivid and eloquent; refined and, always, symbolic.

Centuries after its creation, the scholarly work on Hónglóumèng has become a subject of its own, known as “Red-ology” 紅學. In the early 20th century, scholars discussed, often vehemently, the authorship, authenticity of the text—especially of the later in the extended chapters, the linguistic characteristics, symbolism of the text/content. In recent decades, Redology has expanded into psychological studies of the characters, social analysis, fashion, and gender studies.

The unworthy stone did not come to the mundane world in vain.

__Verses of Red Beans

In Chapter 28 of Hónglóumèng, Baoyu, and friends were playing drinking games, making up new verses and new lyrics. Baoyu sang 紅豆詞 “Red Bean Ci,” accompanied by courtesan Yún ér 雲兒 playing the pipa.

The “red beans” in the verses are Abrus precatorius, commonly known as rosary peas.[9] In Chinese legend, the wife of a warrior, longing for him, often shed tears till they turned into blood. Her blood-stained tears turned into seeds and grew red beans. Hence, in poetic tradition, red beans symbolize nostalgia or longing—be it for a friend or a lover.[10]

Baoyu’s verses, commonly known as “Red Bean Ci” 紅豆詞, were to be sung. He himself called it quzi 曲子. He related the red beans to lovesickness—that of young and passionate love. It is of interest that all the verses started with a three-word phrase, all with a sense of endlessness. This structural detail mirrored a feature in the drinking game, in which each verse of an impromptu quatrain would open with 女兒悲, . . . 女兒愁, . . . 女兒喜, . . . 女兒樂, (“Girls saddened, . . . Girls worried, . . . Girls pleased, . . . Girls delighted, . . .“). Though a simple and playful drinking game, Cao Xueqin’s poetic artistry is clearly in display. Indirectly, within these paragraphs, the readers are led to appreciate Baoyu’s knowledge and skills in poetry.


[1] Salt_in_Chinese_history_Wiki
Map of two Huai salt fields and transportation in four provinces/Library of Congress
Huai is the abbreviation of the Huai River. Lianghuai, meaning two Huai, covered the region north of the Yangtze River, along the Huai River.
[2] Kangxi traveled to the south six times—in 1684, 1689, 1699, 1703, 1705, and 1707—to inspect regional political and economic developments, as well as the livelihood of general population. Painted scrolls were commissioned to document these expeditions. the-Kangxi-emperors-southern-tour-scrolls/sothebys.com/en/articles/
[3] Prince_Keqin_Wiki
[4] Quan_Tangshi_Wiki
[5] Nüwa_Wiki
[6] Kong 空 means “empty” or “unreal.”
[7] The surname Jia 賈 and the word “fake” 假 are homophones. Jiǎ Bǎoyù 賈寶玉 insinuates “fake precious jade.”
[8] There are over 400 characters total in the novel.
[9] Google_Images_Abrus_precatorius
[10] Wang Wei 王維 of the Tang Dynasty dedicated a poem to his friend Lǐ Guīnián 李龜年:
紅豆生南國,春來發幾枝。願君多採擷,此物最相思。
“Red beans grow in the south, new shoots sprout out in the spring. Pray that you collect them often, for they are the most nostalgic.”

Chinese Poetry (XII): A Love Song 卜算子

This entry is part 17 of 39 in the series Chinese Art Song

Lǐ Zhīyí 李之儀
Bǔsuànzi卜算子
I live near the headwaters of the Long River 我住長江頭[1]

我住長江頭,君住長江尾。
I live near the headwaters of the Long River,
You live near the basin of the Long River.
日日思君不見君,共飲長江水。
Day after day, thinking of you but not able to see you,
Still, we both drink the water of the Long River.

* * * * * * * * *

此水幾時休,此恨何時已。
This water, when will it stop flowing?
This grief! when will it end?
只願君心似我心,定不負相思意。
I only hope that your heart is like mine:
I will never betray your devotion.

__Lǐ Zhīyí 李之儀

Lǐ Zhīyí (1038~1117), courtesy name Duānshú 端叔, art name Gūxī姑溪居士, was a writer of the Song Dynasty. His official correspondences were praised by several scholars/writers of the Southern Song Dynasty.[2] Editors of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書 of the Qing Dynasty extended their admirations on his works in other categories, calling them “spirited and superior, often possessed the style of Su Shì. . ..”[3] In the annotated catalogue of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書總目, Li was recognized as “a skillful ci writer, especially with xiǎolìng 小令—the short lyrics.[4]

In his early years, Lǐ was under the tutelage of Fàn Chúnrén 范純仁, the son of the prominent scholar and philosopher Fàn Zhòngyān 范仲淹. Later, he befriended Sū Shì 蘇軾, Huáng Tíngjiān 黃庭堅, and Qín Guān 秦觀, members of the so-called “Yuányòu group” 元祐黨人, opponents of the new policies being implemented by the imperial court .[5] Because of his association with them, his political career was checkered and unfulfilled.

In 1103, Li was banished to Taipin Prefecture 太平州, today’s Anhui Province. Within a few years, he lost his daughter-in-law, son, and daughter. In 1105, his beloved wife of forty years Hú Shúxiu 胡淑修 also passed away. His health rapidly declined under political pressure and personal losses.

At the lowest point of his life, Lǐ Zhīyí met a songstress Yang Shu 楊姝, who’s beauty and musical talent were celebrated among elite literary circles.[6] Despite of their age differences—Li in his seventies and she, a teen, they found companionship in each other and later wed. Together, they endured challenges through time.[7] Lǐ Zhīyí’s most known work “Bǔsuànzi” was a dedication to Yang Shu and a declaration of love.

__The Tune

The word 卜[bǔ] means “to predict future,” most likely using the Eight Trigram Chart—Baguà 八卦. 算 [suàn] means “to count,” or “to compute”—literally and figuratively. The term 卜算子 [bǔsuànzi] refers to “a fortune teller.”

There are several hypotheses of the origin of the tune and its name:

Luò Binwang 駱賓王, a poet of the Tang Dynasty, often included numbers in his verses. People nicknamed him 卜算子. Qing-Dynasty scholar Mao Xianshu 毛先舒 (1620-1688) suggested that the tune, thus, gained its name.[8]

Another possible source of the tune name was a verse by Huáng Tíngjiān: “似扶著, 賣卜算,” referencing street fortune tellers.

One of the tune’s variant names “bǎichǐ lóu” 百尺樓 (“Hundred-feet tower”) was taken from a poem by Qin Zhan 秦湛.[9]

The original form of Bǔsuànzi, a typical xiaoling, consisted of forty-four words in two stanzas. It was popular among poets of the Northern Song Dynasty. Later, it expanded into a two-stanza manci –卜算子慢 with eighty-nine or ninety-three words. There were variations in both the short and the long forms.

__I lived near the headwaters of the Long River

As one of the leading ci writers, Su Shi believed that ci and shi shared the same origin, and that ci was “descendants” of shi.[10] He wished to break away from the ornate vocabulary of the early ci and “elevate” the genre with the elegance of shi. Despite his close friendship with Su, Li Zhiyi had a very different appreciation of ci. He opened his essay “Epilogue to Wu Sidào’s Xiaoci” 跋吳思道小詞 by declaring that ci had its own style and structure, and that a slight departure from the framework would cause discord.[11]

He cited Yangquan qiu 陽關曲[12] to explain the differences between fitting a tune to an existing poem and creating lyrics for a particular melody—thus, the origin of the ci genre. For him, when writing ci poem, the author must appreciate the origin and meanings of every chosen word. A skillfully crafted ending would be most intriguing: As the words ended, the expressions carry on; after the expressions fade away, the emotions linger.

Through a gentle female voice, Li presented a love story in his “Busuanzhi.”[13] The protagonist was separated from her lover by the great distances of the Long River. Paradoxically, the river was the one thing that linked them together, as they both drank from its water. Every day, it reminded her of the never-ending separation. How and when would her sorrow end? By professing her love, she wished for a reciprocal devotion. The simplicity of Li’s “Busuanzhi” recalled the folk-song-like character of Yuefu. It also reflected the plebeian root of ci genre. However, the elegant vocabulary and the subtle delivery rendered such refinements only found in elite literature.


[1] Chang Jiang 長江 is the common name in Chinese for the Yangtze River. The latter is used mostly in the Western world.
[2] 王明清 (1127-?), 《揮麈後錄》, 卷6: “端叔於尺牘尤工. . .”. 吳芾, “姑溪居士前集序”: “元祐間余始得其尺牘, 頗愛其言思清婉有晉宋人風味. . .”
[3] 《四庫全書》, 姑溪居士前集提要: “然他作亦皆神鋒俊逸, 徃徃具蘓軾之一體. . .”
[4] 《四庫全書總目》, 卷一百九十八, 集部五十一:“. . . 之儀以尺牘擅名,而其詞亦工,小令尤清婉峭,殆不減秦觀。” Xiǎolìng小令: Verses within 58 words.
[5] The mutual appreciations between Li and Su were well documented in their correspondences. New_Policies_(Song_dynasty)_Wiki Steles with 309 names of opponents of the New Policy were erected in 1105. The black-listed officials and their descendants were not allowed to pursue political careers.
[6] Upon the departure of Huáng Tíngjiān into exile, Yang Shu played an ancient piece “Lǚ Shuāng Cāo” 履霜操, hinting the injustice of his fate and warning him to be cautious. Huang penned several poems in response. She was only thirteen years of age at the time.
[7] 《揮麈後錄》: “郡娼楊姝者,色藝見稱於黃山谷詩詞中。端叔喪偶無嗣,老益無謬,因遂畜楊於家,已而生子,遇郊禋受延賞。會蔡元長再相,功父知元長之惡端叔也,乃訹豪民吉生者訟於朝,謂冒以其子受蔭,置鞫受誣,又坐削籍。. . . 楊姝者亦被決。. . .”
Wang Mingqing, Huizhu houlu: “[There was a] prefectural songstress Yang Shu, who’s beauty and skills were praised by Huang Shangu [Tíngjiān] in his shi and ci. [Li] Duanshu, who had lost his spouse and was without issue, old and with no one to rely on, took her into his household. Later she bore him a son, who received official privilege during local sacrificial ceremony. When Cai Yuanzhang regained his grand councillorship, [Guo] Gonfù knowing that Cai hated Duanshu, persuaded Ji Sheng, a powerful man, to report to the court, charging Li letting his son receive privilege fraudulently. Li went under investigation; was falsely accused and stripped of his official position. Yang Shu was convicted as well. . ..” Later, Li’s nephew Lin Yànzhèn 林彥振 and his disciple Wu Kěsi 吳可思 sought official help and litigated in court. Eventually, he was vindicated; regained his position and the guardianship of his son.
[8] 毛先舒, 《填詞名解》。
[9] 萬樹, 《詞律》, 卷三: “羌城云駱義烏詩用數名, 人謂之卜算子, 故牌名取之. 按山谷詞 “似扶著賣卜算,” 蓋取義以今賣卜算命之人也, 因秦詞 “極日煙中百尺樓 故巧名百尺樓。”
[10] 蘇軾, <祭張子野文>: “微詞宛轉,蓋詩之裔”
[11]李之儀_《跋吳思道小詞》
[12] Song of Yangguan_www.silkqin.com ; Three-Refrains-of-Yangguan/goldfishodyssey.com
[13] Even though the word 君 can be simply translated as “you,” in Literary Chinese, it usually refers to a male. It is often used as an honorific title.