Chinese Poetry (XI): Autumn Sentiments 聲聲慢

This entry is part 16 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

Lǐ Qīngzhào李清照
Shēng-shēng-màn聲聲慢
Autumn Sentiments 秋情[1]

尋尋覓覓,冷冷清清,淒淒慘慘戚戚。
Seek, seek; search, search;
Chill, chill; still, still;
Grim, grim; bleak, bleak; grief, grief.
乍暖還寒時候,最難將息。
Scarcely warming, the air is yet cold—
‘Tis the hardest, acclimating to such a season.
三杯兩盞淡酒,怎敵他、晚來風急?
How could two, three cups of light wine fend off the rapid night wind?
雁過也,正傷心,卻是舊時相識。
Wide geese flew over, deepening my sorrow,
As they were my acquaintances from seasons past.

* * * * * * * * *

滿地黃花堆積,憔悴損,如今有誰堪摘?
Yellow chrysanthemums strewed all over the ground.
Now, withered and damaged, who would desire to pick them?
守著窗兒,獨自怎生得黑!
Leaning against the windows, alone, how could I tolerate the darkness?
梧桐更兼細雨,到黃昏點點滴滴。
Light rain falling on the leaves of parasol trees,
Drip, drip; drop, drop. . .’til dusk.
這次第,怎一個愁字了得!
All these, one after another, . . .
How could a single word— “sorrow”—suffice?

* * * * * * * * *

__Lǐ Qīngzhào李清照 (1084-1155)

In The Burden of Female Talent: The Poet Li Qingzhao and Her History in China, Ronald Egan wrote:

“When we think of Li Qingzhao today, we think of her as the greatest woman poet in Chinese history, and iconic figure in the Chinese literary tradition, celebrated both for her poetic talent and for the combination of that talent with her identity as a woman.  There is no woman before her in literary history (and few if any) after as prominent and widely discussed.”[2]

Li Qingzhao[3] was born into a family of literary traditions. Her father was a well-respected writer and the vice-director of the Ministry of Rite. Her mother was a descendant of a prominent family of scholars and high officials. Since young age, she was not only offered good education but also permitted to express herself freely. A setting of “rú mèng lìng” 如夢令 (“dream-like tune”), written when she was sixteen years old, brought her instantaneous recognition among the elites.[4]

In 1101, she married Zhao Mingcheng 趙明誠, a student at the Imperial Academy. Coming from similar family backgrounds, and sharing many common interests, their marital life, lasted for almost three decades, was harmonious and productive. Both of them were passionate about epigraphy. Their efforts in collecting and studying inscriptions resulted in the publication of Jīn Shí Lù金石錄 (Records of Metals and Stones Inscriptions). The book was divided into thirty chapters. The first ten were chronological catalogues of thousands of rubbings, some dated back to the ancient time. The following chapters were critical commentaries on historical and written records of the inscriptions[5]

Li’s seemingly idyllic life turned tragic after the Jingkang Incident (1125-1127) when Jurchen-Jin tribe invaded the Song capital Bianjing 汴京. In early 1127, Zhao’s mother passed away in Jiankang 建康, today’s Nanjing. The couple rushed south for the funeral, leaving behind a large portion of their belonging in Qingzhou 青州. The Jin force took over the town in the twelfth month of the same year and destroyed their home.

In 1129, they travel westward on the Yangzi River, hoping to relocate in the Gan River 贛江 region. In the fifth month of the year, two months after they arrived in Chiyang 池陽, Zhao was appointed a new post in Huzhou 湖州 and was summoned to appear at the imperial court in Jiankang. He departed alone so Li could settle down in Chiyang. At the end of the seventh month, Li received news that her husband was gravely ill. Despite her hurrying to his bedside, he died within weeks.

As a widow, Li continued to travel unaccompanied from place to place seeking protection among relatives. Despite her best efforts and intentions, she was not able to protect most of her collections of books, and rubbings from predators and wartime chaos. In 1132, she remarried to a minor official named Zhang Ruzhou 張汝舟. This marriage last very briefly and ended in divorce. Ultimately, she settled in the new capital of the Southern Song Lin’an 臨安, today’s Hangzhou.

In the summer of 1133, Emperor Gaozong appointed the Commissioner of the Military Affairs Han Xiaozhou 韓肖冑 and the Minister of the Public Work Hu Songnian 胡松年 envoys to the Jin court. Upon hearing the news, Li presented two poems to the emissaries. In both poems, while seemingly praised the greatness of the emperor and the lords, by referencing historical figures, she skillfully expressed her oppositions to negotiation with the Jin.[6] She ended the first poem with: “This widow’s ancestors were born in Qi and Lu. Though low in their official status, they had excellent reputation among their peers. . . In recent years, their descendants crossed the river to the south, drifting among the refugees. Over the mountains and the river, I wish to spread my blood-stained tears on the soil of East Mountain of Lu.”

In the following year, Li wrote an “Afterword” to Jīn Shí Lù 金石錄後序, in which she recalled her life with Zhao Mingcheng: How they would forgo worldly pleasure in exchange for rare inscriptions, calligraphies, and paintings by great artists; how they, for ten years, lived frugally in her hometown Qingzhou. They found pleasure in investigating their collections and challenging each other’s knowledge. Those were the days that she wished could have lasted forever.

She also documented the tumultuous years after the Jin invasions in great details. They knew early on that they would not be able to keep their voluminous collection. Nonetheless, they could not have anticipated all the misfortunes ensued. She described Zhoa’s final departure to Jiankang: “On the thirteenth day of the sixth month, having unloaded his belongings and debarked [our] boat, he sat on the bank. Wearing hemp clothing, with his headscarf rolled up, he was vigorous like a tiger. Gazing with his brilliant eyes, he bid farewell toward the boat. . ..” Two months later, this high-spirited man died without leaving any post-life instructions.

Li’s works of her later years—reflections of her tumultuous experiences—were full of melancholy. An advocate of beauty and truth, Li led an unconventional life. She died childless. Her wish to return to her homeland was never fulfilled.

According to historical records, collections of Li Qingzhao’s works were printed and circulated during the Song Dynasty but lost in the following centuries.[7] Individual works by her, on the other hand, continued to appear in various anthologies. Siku Quanshu of the Qing Dynasty included a selection Shùyù ci《漱玉詞》by Li, based on a compilation by Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599-1659).[8] By tracing various sources, Egan listed 75 credible ci by her.[9] In addition, a few of her shi poems and prose essays are also in existence.

__The Tune

Structurally, “shēng-shēng-màn” 聲聲慢 belongs to the category of chángdiào 長調 (long tunes, verses over 90 words). In the standard form, there are 97 words, divided into two stanzas 雙調, each with four rhymed verses 四韻. Based on the rhyming-tones—level tone 平韻and oblique tone 仄韻, there are two sub-categories of versifications, each with multiple variations. Li Qingzhao’s setting was a modification of the oblique-tone style.

To understand the history and character of “shēng-shēng-màn,” one needs to appreciate the word “màn” 慢. Literally, it means “slow.” In classification of ci, it refers to the slow-moving chángdiào.[10] Extended sounds and infrequent rhymes—fewer interruptions, mànci 慢詞 were the best vehicles for delivery of meandering thoughts.

Zhao Buzhi 晁補之 (1053-1110) of the Northern Song Dynasty created a poem reflecting on the departure of a songstress Rúngnú 榮奴 from his household and named the tune “shēng-shēng-màn” 勝勝慢. “勝” could be interpret as “surpass.” By saying that his tune lingered further than other mànci, Zhao professed the incessantness of his feelings.[11]

In his setting of “shēng-shēng-màn —Autumn Sounds” 勝勝慢—秋聲, Jiǎng Jié 蔣捷 (1245-1301) repeated the end-rhyme “shēng 聲” (sounds): “秋聲” autumn sounds, “風聲” wind sounds, “更聲” sounds of night watch, “鈴聲” bell sounds, “笳聲” sounds of reed whistles, “砧聲” sounds of striking stone-block, “蛩聲” sounds of crickets, and “雁聲” sounds of geese.[12] Henceforth, 勝勝慢 became known as 聲聲慢. Although this change happened long after Li Qingzhao’s death, her setting had become synonymous with 聲聲慢, more widely known by readers of later periods.

__Autumn Sentiments

As a young poet, Li Qingzhao wrote an essay tracing the development of musical verses from the Tang Dynasty onward, in which she criticized several well-known scholars/poets, including Su Shi, her father’s mentor, on their ci writing:

“. . . with their all-encompassing knowledge, writing little lyrics, should be as easy as using a gourd dipper to ladle water out of an ocean. However, [their ci] were all merely unpolished shi, and often incompatible with the tunes.

Why so? Because words in shi are divided into level or oblique tones, while in ci, they are defined by five pitches, then five tones, then six modes; further, there are voiceless and voiced, light and heavy sounds. Also, in recent era, tunes such as “shēng-shēng-màn,” “yǔ-zhōng-huā,” and “xǐ-qiān-yīng” not only can rhyme on level tone but also on entering tone; “yù-lóu-chūn,” originally rhymes on level tone, then added rising-tone and departing-tone rhymes, as well as entering-tone. Tunes using oblique rhymes might sound harmonious in rising-tone rhymes. However, it would be unsingable in using entering-tone rhymes.”[13]

Decades later, no longer a proud and strong-willed young woman, Li composed “Autumn Sentiments,” expressing her profound loneliness. Even though the original musical sound of shēng-shēng-màn is no longer in existence, there should be little doubt that Li practiced what she preached.[14]

The opening reiterations are probably the most memorable and memorized fourteen words in Chinese literature. Word-doubling 疊字 is a common practice in Chinese language, used to intensify the meaning of the words. Li’s words led the readers into a surrounding, empty, cold, and silent. Yet, there were the sounds of rapid night wind, of geese, and of the unceasing rain—crescendo and decrescendo.

There were movements: The briskness of the wind brought only misery and coldness that a few cups of wine could not fend off. Wild geese flew over. Did they bring any news from the north? The rain, drip, drop. When would it stop?

Withered chrysanthemums lost their brightness. Leaves of parasol trees seemed greener under the rain. Nightfall, alas, would soon drape darkness over everything.


Sheng -sheng-man, Li Qingzhoa, narrated by Dashan

[1]文津閣四庫全書本《漱玉詞》, 題作「秋情」.
[2]Ronald C. Egan, The Burden of Female Talent: The Poet Li Qingzhao and Her History in China, 44. Harvard-Yengching Institute Monograph Series 90, Harvard University Press, 2014.
[3] In her writings, she used the self-chosen title: Yi’an 易安.
[4] 昨夜雨疏風驟,濃睡不消殘酒。試問卷簾人,卻道海棠依舊。知否,知否?應是綠肥紅瘦。
[5] https://www.fieldmuseum.org/node/4986
[6] 趙彥衛《雲麓漫鈔》, 卷十四. In the introduction, she mentioned the connections between her family and Han’s distinguished ancestors. Citing the declination of her family and her lowly status, she would not presume to send off the emissaries. Instead, she wrote the poems to deliver her humble thoughts. The first poem was in the style of gushi (ancient style), divided into two major sections: 46 verses of 5-character lines, focusing on Han Xiaozhou’s devotion to the court and the significance of his mission, followed by 34 verses of 7-character lines, praising Hu’s virtue and valor. The second poem was a 7-character lüshi.
[7] Two collections of Li Qingzhao’s works, Yi’an Jushi wenji 易安居士文集and Yi’an ci 易安詞were listed in the literary catalogues of History of Song, chapter 208 宋史藝文志, 卷208, 藝文志7 (1346).
[8] Siku Quanshu, Chapter 198. 毛晉, 汲古閤, 詩詞雜俎. The original version of Shùyù ci were lost. The term 漱玉 refers to the tinkling sound of stream water washing over rocks, as if striking jade. (謂 “泉流漱石,聲若擊玉.”) It is believed that Shùyù ci was named after a spring in Li’s hometown. 漱玉泉_Wiki_zh-tw; Baotu_Spring#Other_springs_in_the_Baotu_Group_Wiki.
[9] Egan, The Burden of Female Talent, 91-105.
[10] The term chángdiào only indicates the length of the verses but not the tempo.
[11] 晁補之《家妓榮奴既出有感》. 勝 can be pronounced as [shēng] in level tone or [shèng] in departing tone.
[12] 黃花深巷,紅葉低窗,淒涼一片秋聲。豆雨聲來,中間夾帶風聲。疏疏二十五點,麗譙門、不鎖更聲。故人遠,問誰搖玉佩,檐底鈴聲。
彩角聲吹月墮,漸連營馬動,四起笳聲。閃爍鄰燈,燈前尚有砧聲。知他訴愁到曉,碎噥噥、多少蛩聲。訴未了,把一半、分與雁聲。
[13]李清照_詞論_Wikisource
李清照 《詞論》: “. . . 至晏元獻、歐陽永叔、蘇子瞻,學際天人,作為小歌詞,直如酌蠡水於大海,然皆句讀不葺之詩爾,又往往不協音律者。何耶?蓋詩文分平仄,而歌詞分五音,又分五聲,又分六律,又分清濁輕重。且如近世所謂『聲聲慢』、『雨中花』、『喜遷鶯』,既押平聲韻,又押入聲韻;『玉樓春』本押平聲韻,又押上去聲韻,又押入聲。本押仄聲韻,如押上聲則協,如押入聲則不可歌矣。”
The five pitches in a pentatonic scale are: gōng shāng jué zhǐ yǔ 宫商角徵羽. The five tones in Middle Chinese are dark-level, bright-level, rising, departing, and entering 陰平、 陽平、上、 去、入. There are twelve modes in Chinese music. “Lù” 律, strictly speaking refers to the six odd-number modes.
[14] In theory, shēng-shēng-màn should be sung in xiānlǔ diào 仙吕调, a mode of refreshing sound and lingering expression. 周德清《中原音韻》: “仙呂宮清新綿邈.”

Chinese Poetry (IX): Ci—Lyric verses

This entry is part 14 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

Ci, definition: 1. phrase, 2. statement, 3. expression, 4. lyrics[1]

The origin

With the establishment of the Sui Dynasty (581-618), China was reunited after over three centuries of division. The cultural traditions of various ethnic groups converged in the Central Plain where the capital cities were located. During the Tang Dynasty (618-907), with the reopening of the trade roads, international commerce grew vigorously. In addition to traders and envoys, artists from foreign lands brought in exotic music instruments, songs and dances. In this environment, music making in China went through fundamental changes. A multicultural banquet music “yànyuè” 燕樂/宴樂 came into prominence. Finding its place at the imperial courts, yànyuè gradually became part of popular culture.[2]

Lyrics of the Han language were created to match preexisting melodies of various origins.[3] At its incipience, these verses were called quzi ci 曲子詞 (“words for melody”). Examples of these anonymous song-verses were discovered among Dunhuang manuscripts at the turn of the twentieth century.[4] Their subject matters ranged from amorous passion to urban life, traveling and religious inspirations.[5] Despite their rich content, realistic descriptions, and vivid expressions, the early ci, written by commoners, were often unpolished.

Versification

All structural elements of ci were governed by the components of the existing melody:

Ci poems were categorized by the names of the melodies. Each poem might have its own literary title—often based on words taken from the first verse. In some cases, the literary titles of popular verses and the names of the original melodies became interchangeable.
Although the rhyming rules would be less rigid than those of shi, the tonal patterns 平仄 must be in conformity with the melodic contours.
Shadowing the musical phrases, lengths of verses in ci were variable—hence the name cháng-duǎn-jù 長短句 (long-and-short-verses). The organization of verses and the total word-counts were fixed.

For example: The tune “Púsà-mán” 菩薩蠻 (literally, Bodhisattva-like barbarians) has two stanzas, each of four verses. The line-pattern for the first stanza is 7-7-5-5; the second 5-5-5-5. The last two verses of both stanzas share the same tonal patterns and rhymes. The total word-count for Púsà-mán is 44.[6]

From folk entertainments to elite literature

Ci remained mostly a folk genre throughout the Tang Dynasty. Nonetheless, already in the late eighth century, established poets began to explore the new territory. Huajian ji 花間集 (“Amidst-Flowers Collection”) and Zunqian ji 尊前集 (“Fronting-the-Chalice Collection”), the two anthologies included in the “Ji” 集 (literary collections) section of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書,[7] contained early literary ci by known authors. The former, compiled by Zhao Chongzuo 趙崇祚 around 940, incorporated five hundred verses by eighteen poets.[8] The latter, quoted in several annotative sources of the Northern Song Dynasty, was likely generated in the early Song. Since Zunqian ji was anonymous and undated, the authenticity of its contents had been a subject of disputes among scholars.[9]

Wen Tingyun 溫庭筠 (c. 812-870) of the late Tang was the first distinguished writer of ci. With illustrious style and rich vocabulary, he brought refinements into the new genre. Nonetheless, the subjects of his works were limited to young loves, forlornness, and boudoir sentiments.[10] Among the poets following Wen’s footsteps during the Five-Dynasties-and-Ten-Kingdoms period (907-979) were Wei Zhuang 韋莊 (836-910) and Zhang Mì 張泌 (c. 930-?). Later annotators used the term “Huajian Faction” 花間派 to designate their works.[11]

Li Yù 李煜 (937-978), the last ruler of the State of Southern Tang,[12] was another celebrated ci writer of this period. A reluctant ruler, Li was a devotee of arts and music. In his late twenties, he lost a young son and his wife in succession. His verses reflected his experiences and emotions truthfully. After he became a captive of Emperor Taizu of the Song Dynasty, his later works were laden with regrets and nostalgic laments. Wang Kuowei 王國維 (1877-1927) in his literary treatise Renjian cihua 人間詞話 (1910) credited Li Yù for widening the scope and deepening the emotions of ci, and, thus elevating the genre from lyrics for the entertainers to verses of the literati. Channeling Nietzsche, Wang claimed that Li’s ci were “truly written with blood.”[13]

Fruition

Having been freed from frivolities, literary ci flourished during the Song Dynasty (960-1279). Quan Song Ci (“Complete Song Ci”) 全宋詞, compiled and edited by Tang Guizhang 唐圭璋 (1901-1990), contained over twenty thousand works by one thousand three hundred and thirty poets.[14] Collectively, Song ci were often compared with Tang shi.

Similar to the Tang Dynasty, a unified government provided the stability necessary for economic and cultural development in the Song Dynasty. Unlike the Tang Dynasty which benefited greatly from its exchanges with foreign states, the Song Dynasty existed under the threat of its northern neighbors. While the Tang culture was exuberant and all-embracing, the Song culture was intricate, stoic, and impassioned.

In 1127, Jurchen-Jin besieged Song capital Bianjing and abducted Emperor Qinzong and his father Emperor Huizong, forcing the Song court to retreat southwards, maintaining only the territories south of the Yangzi River.[15] This crisis, known as the Jingkang Incident, changed the fortune of the Song imperial court; weakened the strength of the nation; and altered the lives of the people, including artists and poets. Descriptions of nature and the joy of life—common themes in ci of the Northern Song—were replaced by laments of displacement and separation, nostalgia for peace time, and patriotic sentiments in those of the Southern Song.

Ci poems of the early Song, following the style of their predecessors of the Five-Dynasties, were simple and of limited extent. As the genre continued to evolve, more tune patterns were added to the repertoire.[16] Greater variety of lengths, structures and styles were developed. Based on the tempo, there were xiǎolìng 小令–brief and quick, and màncí 慢詞—lengthy and slow. In subsequent centuries, detailed classifications were realized:

xiǎolìng 小令: small tunes—verses within 58 words
zhongdiào 中調: medium tunes—verses between 59 and 90 words; could be further divided into yǐn 引, closer to xiǎolìng, and jìn 近, longer than yǐn.
chángdiào 長調: long tunes—verses longer than 90 words.

Single stanza[17] verses were called dāndiào 單調; two-stanza, shuāngdiào 雙調; three-, sāndié 三疊; and four-, sìdié 四疊.

Stylistically, there are two major schools of ci: wanyue 婉約 “delicate and demure,” and haofang 豪放 (magnificent and free-spirited). Liú Yǒng 柳永 (987-1053) and Li Qīngzhào 李清照 (1084-1155) were representative of the former.[18] The later, led by Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037-1101),[19] gained prominence after the Jingkang Incident.

There is an idiom: “The shi describes one’s ideas; the ci expresses one’s emotions.” “詩言志, 詞言情.”[20] Variable verse lengths in the ci accentuate the ebbs and flows of emotions. Word-repetitions, anaphora, and onomatopoeia, devices which frequently appeared in ci poems, not only vivify sounds and images, but also enhance the complexities of feelings. The contributions of the ci poets from the Tang to the Song Dynasties brought the reciprocal relationship between Chinese poetry and music to a new height. They also paved the way for dramatic literature in the later eras.


[1] https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/詞
[2] Music_and_Art_of_China_Kenneth Moore_Met museum
At the imperial courts, yànyuè coexisted with yayuè 雅樂, ceremonial music. During the reign of Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty, a music bureau was established. Based on the origins of the music, there were seven “divisions,” each with specific repertoire 樂, instruments 器, numbers of performers 工, and dress codes 衣. (隋書, 卷十五志第十, 音樂下) The Tang courts further expanded the system into nine- and ten- divisions. Based on the performance settings, there were two categories: standing/outdoors 立部and sitting/indoors 坐部.
Wang Xiaodun, Sun Xiaohui, and Chang Shijun,”Yuebu of the Tang Dynasty: Musical Transmission from the Han to the Early Tang Dynasty,” Yearbook for Traditional Music 36 (2004): 50-64. Accessed May 17, 2021 http://www.jstor.org/stable/20058791.
Emperor Xuanzhong founded “Pear Garden,” a training institute of musicians and dancers, and often participated in the training and performances. The term “Pear Garden disciples” has become a synonym for actors, especially those of Chinese operas.
[3] 324 titles of these melodies are listed in Jiaofang ji 教坊記, a commentary on the court entertainment institution during the Kaiyuan period (713-741) written by Cui Lingqin 崔令欽, a court official. 教坊記/zh_wikisource.org
[4] Mogao_Caves_Wiki; Dunhuang_manuscripts_Wiki. After the rediscovery of the “library cave,” many of the manuscripts were dispersed around the world, destroyed, or lost. Scholarly research during the twentieth century resulted in several collections of Dunhuang quci: Wang Zhongmin 王重民, edited 164 verses in Dunhuang quzi ci ji 敦煌曲子詞集 (1954); JaoTsung-I [Rao Zhongyi] 饒宗頤 collected 318 in Dunhuang qu 敦煌曲 (1971); and Ren Bantang 任半塘 [Ren Erbei 任二北 or Ren Na 任訥] included over 1200 in Dunhuang geci zongbian 敦煌歌辭總編 (1987).
[5] Poems of Buddhist influences are categorized as Foqu 佛曲.
[6] “Púsà-mán” 菩薩蠻 was among the tunes listed in Jiao fang ji 教坊記.
Late-nineth-century author Su È 蘇鶚 gave an anecdotal account of “Púsà-mán” in his short-story collection Duyang Zabian 杜陽雜編. According to Su, in early Dazhong period (c. 847), musicians, inspired by the bejeweled, Bodhisattva-like costume of tributary envoys from Nümán 女蠻國, created the tune. Púsà-mán is also the name of a female dance group of the imperial court of the Song Dynasty. History of Song, chapter 142, Music Records-16; 宋史, 卷142, 樂 16.
[7] Complete_Library_of_the_Four_Treasuries_Wiki; 四庫全書/集部#詞曲類/zh.wikisource
[8] In comparison to the large quantity of jintishi 近體詩 produced in the Tang Dynasty, five hundred is a very small number.
[9] A few ci attributed to the High Tang poet Li Bai are among the most controversial selections in Zunqian ji.
[10] Wen_Tingyun_Wiki
[11] Huajian_Faction_Wiki
[12] Not to be confused with the subsequent Dynasty, Southern Tang was one of the “Ten Kingdoms” during the transitional period between the Tang and the Song Dynasties. Southern_Tang_Wiki
[13] 人間詞話, 卷 1-15, “詞至李後主而眼界始大, 感慨遂深, 遂變伶工之詞而為士大夫之詞.”
Id., 卷 1-18, “尼採謂:’一切文學, 餘愛以血書者.’ 後主之詞, 真所謂以血書者也.”
[14] Quan Song Ci 全宋詞 was completed around 1937 and first published by The Commercial Press in Shanghai in 1940. Revised edition with supplemental materials was published in 1979.
[15] Jingkang_incident_Wiki
[16] Qīndìng cípǔ 欽定詞譜 (1715), a dictionary of ci titles compiled under the command of Kangxi Emperor, listed 826 tunes. Some later sources further expanded the list. Nevertheless, many tunes had multiple names. Some of them were variations of the same tune. The term cípái 詞牌, commonly used in literary discussions, was coined in later eras.
[17] què 闋: stanza.
[18] Li_Qingzhao_Wiki
[19] Su_Shi_Wiki.
[20] 《尚書•虞書•舜典》: “詩言志,歌永言,聲依永,律和聲。”