Musical Settings (VI): Xiao Youmei 蕭友梅 and Yi Weizhai 易韋齋

This entry is part 28 of 36 in the series Chinese Art Song

After setting “The Great River Flows Eastwards 大江東去” by Su Shi 蘇軾 to music in 1920, Qing Zhu 青主 focused on his political career and did not write any new works until the early 1930s. Meanwhile, as part of the cultural reform movement, other western-educated composers began creating songs with newly written lyrics. Xiao Youmei 蕭友梅 (1884-1940) and Yi Weizhai 易韋齋 (1874-1941) were pioneers of such works.

Xiao received his music education first in Japan (1901-1909) and later in Germany (1912-1919).[1] With a firm conviction of the power of music as a medium in character building, he devoted his time and effort in promoting music education after returning to China. While in Beijing, he founded and led the Music and Physical Education Department of Beijing Women’s Higher Normal College 北京女子高等師範學校 (1920), The Music Training and Research Institute affiliated to Beijing University 北京大學附屬音樂傳習所 (1922), and Music Department at Beijing National Arts College 北京國立藝術專門學校音樂系 (1926).[2] With the support of Cai Yuanpei 蔡元培, Xiao established the National Conservatory of Music 國立音樂專科學校—today’s Shanghai Conservatory of Music—in Shanghai in 1927.

Keenly aware of the need for teaching materials which were suitable for Chinese students in modern time, Xiao joined forces with lyricist Yi Weizhai to create songs, using Western harmony and newly written words. Jinyue chuji《今樂初集》 [First Collection of Todays Music] (1922) and Xinyue chuji 《新樂初集》 [First Collection of New Music] (1923) were the results of their collaboration.

___Yi Weizhai 易韋齋 (1874-1941)[3]

Born Yi Tingxi 易廷熹 on March 13, 1874, in Heshan, Guangdong 廣東鶴山, Yi received his early literary training at Guangya Academy 廣雅書院and was a disciple of phonologist Chen Li 陳澧.[4] After attending Aurora University 震旦書院[5] in Shanghai briefly, he went to Japan, studying languages and education.[6] A litterateur, Yi was also gifted in painting and calligraphy, and was especially known for his seal carving 篆刻.

Yi Weizhai and Xiao Youmei both studied in Japan during the first decade of the twentieth century and were active in revolutionary movements led by Sun Yat-sen.[7] After the Xinhai Revolution in 1912, they both held secretarial positions at the Presidential Office of the Provisional Government of the Republic of China in Nanking.[8] Their paths crossed again in the 1920s in Beijing where they were both teaching at various higher education institutions.[9]

Xiao was known for his uncompromising integrity and professionalism. Yi, on the other hand, despite his talents and knowledge, handled daily affairs and his career with a laissez-faire attitude. Their mutual interest in creating new style lyrics and songs brought them together.[10] Xian’s niece Xiao Shuxian 蕭淑嫻 recalled that, her uncle and Mr. Yi bought a small house in the western suburb near the Summer Palace 頤和園 as their pied-à-terre and studio. During summer months, each occupying one room, Yi wrote the lyrics and Xiao composed the songs and the piano accompaniments. Every time they completed two or three songs, they would bring the new works back to the city, asking friends and relatives to try them out.[11]

___Jinyue chuji《今樂初集》

Jinyue chuji, the first collection of the Xiao-Yi collaboration, was published by the Commercial Press in October 1922 and reprinted in November of the following year.[12] Among the twenty selections, three of them were for two-part chorus; three for three parts. The last four pieces were about women’s education and empowerment.

With the exception of a forward by Huang Jie 黃節[13], the entire volume, including the front-page art, music scores and texts, was hand-crafted by Yi Weizhai: the texts were in traditional calligraphy; the music in western staff notation. It was then produced using photographic printing process. On the one hand, it exposed the challenges that all the proponents of western music in China encountered during this period. On the other hand, it showcased the modernized printing technology which was instrumental in advancing new cultural development.

To fully appreciate the concept and the content of this collection, it is necessary to examine both the Preface and the Editorial Summary, both written by Yi in Classical Chinese:

Preface

I believe that our musical culture has never been declining more than the present day. Our forefathers educated people in three sets of disciplines— [six virtues, six principles of conduct, and six skills][14], music was one of the six skills. Ancient books were largely comprised of rhymed verses. It was understood back then that [musical] sounds were derived from one’s heart, without meaningless differentiation between social classes. In later times, cultivated music was monopolized by the ruling class. For the commoners, music was lessened to folk tunes. The literary creations of poets, henceforth, could not all be set to music. On the other hand, impertinent songs with plebeian texts proliferated and spread all over the country. The inundation causes one to feel nothing but sad and fatigue. I came to the north last year and reconnected with Mr. Xiao Youmei who invited me to write short lyrics. He then set them to music. The works were rather amicable. Therefore, we taught them to the students at the Beijing Women’s Higher Normal College. The effect was quite elegant and lovely. So, we continued the work and resulted in a number of pieces. Mr. Sun Zhong 孫壯[15]from Da Xing 大興noticed and appreciated them. Through his firm, the Commercial Press, he photo-engraved the works to share with teachers nationwide. I named this collection “The First,” as to carry on, and to gather comments for expansion and improvements. As I and Mr. Xiao each completed our editorial work, I, thus, encapsulated the essence of the collection.
___In the year of rénxū,[16] Yi Weizhai

弁言

吾以為樂之銷沈,未有甚於此時者也。前人以鄉三物 [六德、六行、六藝][17] 教民,樂為六藝之一。古書多有韵之文,其時知聲由心生,無上下貴賤妄生分别。後世樂私於君,下此者夷於謠諺,詩人文之,乃不能盡被弦管,而謠肆之聲、僿俚之辭,起而徧國中,横流第使人哀乏矣。余年前北來,重值蕭君友梅,約為短歌,君譜之聲。甚龤,乃以授北京女高師諸生,無甚婉渺,由是繼作,遂得如干首。大興孫君壯,見而善之,介其商務書館,得而影印,以餉海內教席。余謂此為初桄,賡此而起,又弥思增善也。今與蕭君各自寫㝎[18],略其概於此。
___壬戌 易韋齋

Editorial Summary

1. The majority of works in this collection are suitable for applications in middle schools and above. For higher primary schools, public schools, elementary schools, etc., there will be further editions to be published subsequently.

2. Lyrics and music in this collection are all newly composed. Old sources were referenced but not plagiarized.

3. In our country, graduates from secondary schools and junior normal colleges were often afraid of being singing teachers. And there were many of them who could not read music. This was because when they were in school, even though there were music courses, there were, unfortunately, no appropriate instructional materials. Hence their instructors frequently used English songs and texts. This was a big mistake. Students surely were not yet able to comprehend the meaning of the texts thoroughly and to pronounce the words accurately. Using such materials, how would it be possible to arouse their interest in singing[?] Mindful of such mistakes, the songs in this collection are written in Chinese only, so that students will not waste effort on language barriers, thus can be more focused and benefit more effectively.

4. Occasionally, idioms and historical references are used in the lyrics of this collection. Originally, we planned to provide annotation for each of them. Yet, since there were no obscure or incomprehensible references, and due to publication deadlines, this task, therefore, would wait until a later time.

5. Lyrics do not have to be restricted by rhymes but should never be without rhymes. Applications of rhymes in the texts of this collection were done with scrutiny and intense care. Those who recognize such efforts would certainly appreciate it.

6. Incorrect interpretation of the texts of songs will lead to misunderstanding. Hopefully, the public will interpret them correctly and critique them with a righteous attitude.

7. In music scores, to accommodate singers, words are dispersed and placed near the notes; thus, disrupting the structure and flow of sentences and verse, making it inconvenient to the literary aficionados. Therefore, the lyrics are gathered in a separate attachment at the end of the collection, ready to be examined by literary connoisseurs.

8. [descriptive], [comparative], xing [derivative] were three of the six disciplines of classical poetry. Each song text in this collection is also based on these three approaches and carries subtle nuances. Metaphorical admonitions concealed in the verses are mostly gentle satires. Instructors and students both can obtain the messages by associating the words with current events.

9. Currently, the music in the song collections used in our schools are mostly based on foreign tunes. Since most lyricists are not familiar with musical applications, verses often do not match musical phrases. This is one of the major reasons that elementary and middle school students lack interest in singing courses. The music in this collection was composed based on the meaning of the verses. Naturally, there will be no conflicts between music and words.

10. Our traditional music always favored minor scales; therefore, the sound was often melancholy. If we wish to enhance our music, we must move to using major keys (major scales). Because their sounds are uplifting and exuberant, easily making one feel excited. Following this logic, this collection uses only major keys in the scoring. Except for #F and bG, the other eleven keys were all included in the music. This can also offer students opportunities to practice key identification and notation. As for music in minor keys, they will be used later in future collections.

11. The musical contents of this collection are, tentatively, organized by categories. When used in teaching, one should arrange the order, taking into account the students’ level. In general, songs with longer texts (such as “Tang Shan,” “Benyuan,” etc.) and songs in which the vocal lines do not match the accompaniments (such as “Years”) should be taught last. For students who are not able to identify keys, naturally, pieces in keys with fewer flats and/or sharps should be taught first; ones with more signs later. Before students are familiar with one key, it is not suitable to teach them a second key—to avoid confusion.

12. “Poetry is to convey one’s aspiration.” Therefore, when singing a piece, it is necessary to be able to express the meaning of the lyrics. On the upper left corner of each song in this collection, expression terms (such as “majestic,” “joyful”) are given. We hope that the instructors will pay special attention to these terms.

13. The performance tempos differ from song to song. In this collection, following the expression terms, a tempo range (such as ♩ = 60, ♩ = 80) is marked. Please be mindful of these markings.

14. Currently, [western-styled] music in our country is still in its infancy. Most singers do not like accidental half-steps (or modulations). This is due to a lack of practice. In order to ease into chromatic singing, modulation only occurs in the second section of “Tang Shan.” The other pieces are all sung in the original key throughout. Pieces with chromatic applications will gradually increase in later productions.

編輯大意

一. 此集大部分,是適用於中等以上學校[;] 高小、國民、蒙學、各校,以次編箸,相繼出版。

二. 此集歌、曲, 俱是創作,用古有之,襲舊則無。

三. 我國中學,及初級師範畢業,往往憚於為唱歌教授,並多有未諳看譜者。其故由於在校時,雖有此科,苦嘸適當教材。乃其教之者,恆授以英文歌詞,是大謬也。學者於歌意,固未滲透解,即發音亦未能準確,執此教材,如何能引起唱歌興味[?] 今編此集,鑑此謬誤,特純用國文成歌,冀學者不他鹜而收實益。

四. 本集歌詞中,間有成語、及古事。本擬一一注出,但尚無奧僻難解者,以出版時間關係,此事遂俟異日。

五. 歌不必執泥於韵,但萬不能無韵。本集歌詞,用韵極攷核斟酌,識者玩之。

六. 歌之詞句,若加曲解,必生誤會。幸世人以正確之眼光觀之,以端嚴之態度,批評之,繩糾之。

七. 譜中歌詞,取便唱者,依音注字,歌之形式遂亡。專玩歌詞者,頗感不便。因別附歌集一束於後,備嗜文辭者鑒焉。

八. 賦、比、興,為詩六藝之三。本集各歌,亦體此三藝,均有弦外之意。主文譎錬,所謂婉而諷者居多。教者學者,均可於其時其事二者加之領會,則得之矣。

九. 現在吾國學校,所用歌集,其曲譜多採自外國。苐填詞者,多非諳樂理之人,致詞句每於樂句,不能針對。此亦為吾國中小學生對於歌唱一科,興味缺乏之一大原因。本集曲譜,純是比按歌意,創作而成[。] 自無詞曲互舛之處。

十. 吾國固有樂曲,向來善用小音階,故其聲多萎靡不振。欲改良吾國音樂,非改用大調不可 (即大音階)。以其聲多發揚蹈厲,易令人興起也。本集即根據此理,純用大調製譜。除大 #F 大 bG 兩調外,餘十一調,均以之入譜。藉此又可以與學者以練習辯調記譜之機會。至於小音階曲譜,當於次集以後用之。

十一. 本集內容,暫依歌之種類為次序。教時[,] 當依學生之程度,斟酌先後。大約較長之歌詞,(如湯山、本願 等) 及歌曲與伴奏不同者,(如 [年] 之類) 均應最後教授。對於未能辯調之學生,自應先授調號較少之曲,調號多者均應緩授。至於學生未認熟甲調之先,不宜即授乙調,防混亂也。

十二. 詩以言志,故凡唱一曲,須能將歌中含意,發表出來。本集各歌之左端,均用表情術, (如雄壯、喜樂、之類) 標明於上。希望教者,特加注意。

十三. 各歌唱奏,速度不一。本集於表情術語之後,即記明速度標準 (如 ♩ = 60, ♩ = 80 等) 亦希望注意。

十四. 吾國音樂,現尚幼稚,歌者多不喜臨時唱半音 (或轉調)。此皆由於缺少練習之故。本集為逐漸輸入唱半音起見,只於 [湯山] 歌,第二段轉調。餘均用本調歌唱,俟續出再以次增加此項有半音之歌曲。

Having spent years in Japan, both Xiao and Yi would have been familiar with “school songs” 學堂樂歌 created by Zeng Zhimin 曾志忞 (1879-1929), Shen Xingong 沈心工 (1870-1947), and Li Shutong 李叔同 (1880-1942).[19] Although some of these educational songs were written by the musicians, most of them were adaptations of existing western or Japanese songs, fitted with Chinese words. While they both wished to make singing a crucial part of secondary school curriculum, they disagreed with borrowing foreign music and words. Hence, they created a collection of new school songs with western-styled music and new-style lyrics.

As a poet, Yi favored the works of Liu Yong 柳永 and Wu Wenying 吳文英—both representatives of the wanyue 婉約 [delicate and demure] style of the Song Dynasty. He was known to have followed the versification in their works, especially the tone patterns, strictly in his own poems. [20] The literary contents in Jinyue chuji, the front matter narrations and the lyrics, were clear indications that Yi was not able to shake off the traditional influences even when attempting to create new-style works. The song texts were caught between Classical verses and plain language, difficult to understand and awkward to sing.

Despite its initial success, Jinyue chuji quickly faded into history. The songs in the collection were mostly forgotten. Critics often blamed Yi’s lyrics for this outcome. Nonetheless, as the music in the collection was written to fit the words, the composer should be equally responsible for the results.

As Yi mentioned, western-style music was in its infancy when the collection was written. One could also relate to the need to introduce the theory and practice to the students step by step. Avoiding minor keys all together so that the music would be uplifting and moral-strengthening seemed to be an extreme approach. Staying in one key throughout each song would certainly limit the emotional transitions and development.

Xiao’s music writing was also problematic. While simple melodies without chromatic patterns were convenient for beginners, they were, in most cases, not very interesting. The melodic contour often did not reflect the linguistic tones; the key words in the verses did not match the rhythmic stresses. Perhaps because of Xiao’s contribution to music education in China, there had been scarcely any negative commentary on his composition. In recent years, critics such as Meng Wentao began wondering, based on the disconnection between the lyrics and the musical contents, whether some of the melodies in the Xiao-Yi collections were composed first, and the words were fitted later.[21]

Jinyue chuji was followed by Xinyue chuji 《新樂初集》 (1923), a twenty-five-song collection based on the same editorial format, and three volumes of teaching materials including sight-singing exercises, entitled Xinxuezhi changge jiaokeshu 《新學制唱歌教科書》 [Singing Textbooks for the New School System] (1924).[22] From today’s point of view, the Xiao-Yi collections lack artistic value. As historical testaments, they reflect the struggles of intellectuals, individually and collectively, in a country striving to move away from traditions and finding its footing in the modern world.

When Xiao Youmei established the National Conservatory of Music in Shanghai in 1927, Yi joined the faculty, teaching Chinese and poetry. Together, they influenced a new generation of composers and lyricists.


[1] With a dissertation entitled, “Eine geschichtliche Untersuchung über das chinesische Orchester bis zum 17. Jahrhundert (Historical Research on the Pre-Seventeenth Century Chinese Orchestra),” Xiao received his Ph.D. at Königliches Konservatorium der Musik zu Leipzig (now Hochschule für Musik und Theater “Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy” Leipzig) in 1916. He was the first Chinese student to obtain a doctoral degree abroad.
[2] In older references, “Peking” would be used instead of “Beijing.”
[3] In addition to Weizhai 韋齋, Yi had an unusually long list of art names and aliases including Xi 熹, Ru孺, Ziru 子孺, Daan 大厂 (大庵), Daan jushi 大庵居士. This poses a challenge in consolidating references in his life and achievements. The name Xi熹 appears often in references on his work as a painter, calligrapher and seal maker uses the name; for his literary works, Weizhai 韋齋 or Daan 大厂 (大庵).
[4] Guangdong_Guangya_High_School_Wiki, Chen_Li_(scholar)_Wiki
[5] Aurora_University_(Shanghai)_Wiki
[6] The exact timeline of Yi’s educations was not clear. However, he would have been at Aurora University after 2003 and have completed his study in Japan by 1912 around the time of Xinhai Revolution.
[7] Xiao joined Tongmenghui 同盟會 and worked closely with Sun. Yi became a member of Nanshe 南社 [South(ern) Society], a literary society founded by members of Tongmenghui.
Tongmenghui_Wiki
South_Society_Wiki
[8] Provisional_Government_of_the_Republic_of_China_(1912)_Wiki
[9] Yi taught at [Beijing] Higher Normal College 北平高等師範 and The Music Training and Research Institute.
[10] Long Muxun 龍沐勛, a younger contemporary and colleague of Xiao and Yi, gave vivid accounts of their lives and works in his articles, Yuetan Huaijolu 樂壇懷舊錄 [Nostalgia of Music World]. Qiushi Monthly 求是月刊, vol. 1, no. 2 (1944): 16-19 and Yuetan Huaijolu 樂壇懷舊錄續 [Nostalgia of Music World Continued]. Qiushi Monthly 求是月刊, vol. 1, no. 4 (1944): 18-25.
[11] Xiao Shuxian 蕭淑嫻, “Hueiyi wode shufu Xiao Youmei: Xiao Youmei de jiating han tade yoxue shenghuo” 回憶我的叔父蕭友梅:蕭友梅的家庭和他的遊學生活 [Remembering My Uncle Xiao Youmei: Xiao Youmei’s Family and His Academic Life], Wenhua shiliao cóngkang 文化史料叢刊, vol. 5 (1983): 32.
[12] Since its founding in 1897, the Commercial Press 商務印書館, has grown into one of the most influential private enterprises in both industrial and cultural advancements.
The_Commercial_Press_Wiki
http://www.cgan.net/book/books/print/g-history/big5_12/14_1.htm 中華印刷通史, 近代篇
[13] https://zh.wikipedia.org/zh-hant/黃節
[14] The three disciplines were not listed in Yi’s original text. The three sets of disciplines were explained in Zhou li, Diguan Situ [The Rites of Zhou, Offices of Earth]. 周禮/地官司徒: 以鄉三物教萬民而賓興之:一曰六德,知、仁、聖、義、忠、和;二曰六行,孝、友、睦、姻、任、恤;三曰六藝,禮、樂、射、御、書、數。
[15] Sun Zhong 孫壯 (1879-1943), courtesy name Boheng 伯恆, was, at the time, the manager of the Beijing branch of the Commercial Press.
[16] The year of 1922, Sexagenary_cycle_Wiki. 1922 was an important year of National Education Reform. A new school system, known as Renxu School System, was implemented to extend the years of schooling—six years of primary school; three, lower secondary and three, upper secondary, and to strengthen vocational and science education.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/6-3_school_system
https://zh.wikipedia.org/zh-tw/壬戌學制
[17] See note 13.
[18] 㝎=定
[19] The Call of Modernity: Chinese School Songs in the Early Twentieth Century, by ZhiZhi Li.
[20] Long, Yuetan Huaijolu, 21-22.
Liu_Yong_(Song_dynasty)_Wiki
https://cuhk.edu.hk/rct/renditions/authors/wuwy.html
goldfishodyssey_chinese-poetry-ix-ci-lyric-verses
[21] Meng Wentao 孟文濤, Zhongguo jinxiandai gequ chuangzuoshi zhong yige teshu jinjian shili—Shiyi Xiao Youmei yu Yi Weizhai hexie gequzhong de ciqu jiehe wenti 中國近現代歌曲創作史中一個特殊僅見事例 [My Opinion About Xiao Youmei’s Art Song], Huangzhong, Journal of Wuhan Conservatory of Music 黃鍾, 武漢音樂學院學報, 2005 (2): 26- 30. The English title, not a direct translation of the Chinese one, was used in the English abstract.
[22] Xinyue chuji 《新樂初集》 was reprinted in October 1925. An edition with new print setting and a few changed in the front matters was brought forward in 1934. The “New School System” specification in Xinxuezhi changge jiaokeshu 《新學制唱歌教科書》 would have been the “Renxu System,” implemented in 1922. See note 15.

Musical Settings (IV): “The Great River Flows Eastwards,” The Song

This entry is part 26 of 36 in the series Chinese Art Song

The setting of “The Great River Flows Eastwards 大江東去” (Shu Shi 蘇軾, 1082) by Liao Shangguo 廖尙果 was written in 1920 while the composer was studying law in Germany. After returning to China in 1922, Liao held high-powered administrative and military positions until his participation in the failed communist Guangzhou uprising in 1927.[1] Wanted by the Nationalist government, he fled to Shanghai where, with helps from Xiao Youmei 蕭友梅, he became involved in music education, critical writing, and publishing. In 1930, “Da jiang dong qu 大江東去” was published by his firm X Bookstore, under the pen name Qing Zhu 青主.[2] In the back-cover note, he gave an anecdotal genesis of the song:

In the summer of 1920, while vacationing in the countryside, adventurously, he and his friend rowed out to the nearby lake in a small boat on a thundery night. He returned to the cottage feeling exhilarated. Listening to the sounds of thunder and rustling pine tree, he conceived the musical motive of the song. After a night of contemplation, he sat in front of the piano; made some modifications to Su Shi’s “Da jiang dong qu;” and set it to the melody.[3]

Looking beyond this striking narration of an impulsive young man finding creative ideas in tempestuous surrounding, “Da jiang dong qu” was in fact an amalgamation of Qing Zhu’s literary knowledge, musical training, and aspirational reflections. Rather than a spontaneous outburst of inspiration, its creation was a long-time-coming.

Born into a literary family in 1893, Qing Zhu was fond of learning and showed interest in music since his early years. In 1908, he enrolled in the junior school of Whampoa Military Academy where he played trumpet in the marching band. Reform-minded, he participated in the 1911 Xinhai Revolution 辛亥革命, overthrowing the Qing Dynasty. For his contribution, he received governmental grant to study military science in Germany in 1912. However, the newly established Beiyang government 北洋政府[4] objected to young people studying military strategy abroad. Under the pressure, he soon switched to studying law. While in Berlin, he also studied music theory and learned to play the piano, violin, and flute.

In 1919, the political and cultural changes in China climaxed with the student demonstrations on May Fourth.[5] It would not be difficult to imagine how such powerful movement would have impacted a young person of great political aspirations despite the geographical distance. By the summer of 1920, Qing Zhu had completed his coursework.[6] How proud he must have felt reaching such a milestone in life; how eager he must have been to utilize his knowledge and to serve his country, a new democracy embroiled in internal conflicts as well as external threats.

Well-versed in Chinese literature, Qing Zhu would have been familiar with “The Great River Flows Eastwards,” written by Su Shi, two years after he was banished to Huanzhou 黃州 for his political ideology.[7] Upon visiting the Red Cliffs by the Yellow River, astonished by the striking scenery, the poet lamented the fugitiveness of lives in contrast to the perpetuity of the water. Reminiscing the greats from the Three Kingdoms and their heroic acts during the Battle of the Red Cliff, he praised the characters and strategies of Zhou Yu 周瑜. Yet, no bravery or talent could stand the test of time. Life was but a dream.

Indirectly, Su Shi hinted his own desire to achieve greatness while resigning to the transience of life. It should have been no surprise that Qing Zhu found inspirations in this poem, especially after an adventurous boat trip.

—Lyrics

大江東去,浪淘盡、
da4 jiang1 dong1 qu4, lang4 tao2 jin4. . .
ㄉㄚˋ  ㄐㄧㄤ  ㄉㄨㄥ  ㄑㄩˋ,  ㄌㄤˋ ㄊㄠˊ  ㄐㄧㄣˋ
千古風流人[8]
qian1 gu3 feng1 liu2 ren2 wu4.
ㄑㄧㄢ  ㄍㄨˇ  ㄈㄥ  ㄌㄧㄡˊ  ㄖㄣˊ  ㄨˋ

故壘西邊,人道是、
gu4 lei3 xi1 bian1, ren2 dao4 shi4:
ㄍㄨˋ  ㄌㄟˇ  ㄒㄧ  ㄅㄧㄢ,  ㄖㄣˊ  ㄉㄠˋ  ㄕˋ
三國周郎赤
san1 guo2 zhou1 lang2 chi4 bi4.
ㄙㄢ  ㄍㄨㄛˊ  ㄓㄡ  ㄌㄤˊ  ㄔˋ ㄅㄧˋ

亂石崩雲,驚濤裂岸,捲起千堆
luan4 shi2 beng1 yun2, jing1 tao1 lie4 an4, juan2 qi3 qian1 dui1 xue3.
ㄌㄨㄢˋ  ㄕˊ  ㄅㄥ  ㄩㄣˊ,  ㄐㄧㄥ  ㄊㄠ  ㄌㄧㄝˋ  ㄢˋ,  ㄐㄩㄢˊ  ㄑㄧˇ  ㄑㄧㄢ  ㄉㄨㄟ ㄒㄩㄝˇ

江山如畫,一時多少豪
jiang1 shan1 ru2 hua4, yi4 shi2 duo1 shao3 hao2 jie2.
ㄐㄧㄤ  ㄕㄢ  ㄖㄨˊ  ㄏㄨㄚˋ,  ㄧˋ  ㄕˊ  ㄉㄨㄛ  ㄕㄠˇ  ㄏㄠˊ  ㄐㄧㄝˊ

*****************

遙想公瑾當年,小喬初嫁了,雄姿英
yao2 xiang3 gong1jin3 dang1 nian2, xiao3qiao2 chu1 jia4 liao3, xiong2 zi1 ying1 fa1.
ㄧㄠˊ  ㄒㄧㄤˇ  ㄍㄨㄥ  ㄐㄧㄣˇ  ㄉㄤ  ㄋㄧㄢˊ,  ㄒㄧㄠˇ  ㄑㄧㄠˊ  ㄔㄨ  ㄐㄧㄚˋ  ㄌㄧㄠˇ,
ㄒㄩㄥˊ ㄗ  ㄧㄥ  ㄈㄚ

羽扇綸巾,談笑間、
yu3 shan4 guan1 jin1, tan2 xiao4 jian1. . .
ㄩˇ  ㄕㄢˋ  ㄍㄨㄢ  ㄐㄧㄣ,  ㄊㄢˊ  ㄒㄧㄠˋ  ㄐㄧㄢ
強虜灰飛煙
qiang2 lu3 hui1 fei1 yan1 mie4
ㄑㄧㄤˊ  ㄌㄨˇ  ㄏㄨㄟ  ㄈㄟ  ㄧㄢ  ㄇㄧㄝˋ

故國神遊,多情應笑我,早生華
gu4 guo2 shen2 you2, duo1 qing2 ying1 xiao4 wo3, zao3 sheng1 hua2 fa3.
ㄍㄨˋ  ㄍㄨㄛˊ  ㄕㄣˊ  ㄧㄡˊ  ㄉㄨㄛ  ㄑㄧㄥˊ  ㄧㄥ  ㄒㄧㄠˋ  ㄨㄛˇ  ㄗㄠˇ  ㄕㄥ  ㄏㄨㄚˊ  ㄈㄚˇ

人生如夢, 一尊[9]還酹江
ren2 sheng1 ru2 meng4, yi4 zun1 huan2 lei4 jiang1 yue4.
ㄖㄣˊ  ㄕㄥ  ㄖㄨˊ  ㄇㄥˋ  ㄧˋ  ㄗㄨㄣ  ㄏㄨㄢˊ  ㄌㄟˋ  ㄐㄧㄤ  ㄩㄝˋ

In the back-cover note, Qing Zhu mentioned that he modified Su Shi’s wording slightly without providing details. His lyric followed closely the version from Yu ding ci pu 御定詞譜 included in the “Ji” 集section of Siku Quansu 《四庫全書》.[10] It was a version most widely known to readers of the last centuries.

In phrases five and six, he changed the words “穿空. . . 拍岸” ([chuan1 kong1. . .pai1 an4/ㄔㄨㄢ ㄎㄨㄥ. . . ㄆㄞ ㄢˋ]; piercing the sky. . . slapping the shoreline) to “崩雲. . .裂岸” ([beng1 yun2. . .lie4 an4/ㄅㄥ ㄩㄣˊ. . . ㄌㄧㄝˋ ㄢˋ]; bursting the clouds. . . splitting the shores), referencing a version from Rongzhai Xubi 《容齋續筆》, dated c.1193, where the text read: “崩雲. . .掠岸” ([beng1 yun2. . . lüe4 an4/ㄅㄥ ㄩㄣˊ. . . ㄌㄩㄝˋ ㄢˋ]; bursting the clouds. . . sweeping the shores).[11] Qing Zhu’s edited text enhanced the image and sounds of these verses.

In the second part of the poem, the fifth phrase reads “談笑處” ([tan2 xiao4 chu4 /ㄊㄢˊ ㄒㄧㄠˋ ㄔㄨˋ]; as casual chats took place) in both Yu ding ci pu and Rongzhai xubi. Qing Zhu used “談笑間” ([tan2 xiao4 jian1/ㄊㄢˊ ㄒㄧㄠˋ ㄐㄧㄢ]; amid casual chats), appeared in Ci zong 《詞綜》of 1744. [12] In phrase six, instead of 檣艣/檣櫓 ([qiang2 lu3/ㄑㄧㄤˊ ㄌㄨˇ], masts and sculls) as appeared in most sources, Qing Zhu chose the homophone 強虜 (barbaric enemies). For the penultimate phrase, rather than 人間如寄 ([renjian ru ji/ㄖㄣˊ ㄐㄧㄢ ㄖㄨˊㄐㄧˋ], “the mortal world is like a temporary shelter”) or 人間如夢 ([renjian ru meng/ㄖㄣˊ ㄐㄧㄢ ㄖㄨˊ ㄇㄥˋ], “the mortal world is like a dream”) in some sources, he used “人生如夢” ([rensheng ru meng/ㄖㄣˊ ㄕㄥ ㄖㄨˊ ㄇㄥˋ], “Life is like a dream. . .”).

Special attention should be given to the pronunciation of the following words:
Tone sandhi should be applied to 捲起 in verse nine—both in the third tone, resulting in [juan2 qi3/ㄐㄩㄢˊ  ㄑㄧˇ].
Literary pronunciation [liao3/ㄌㄧㄠˇ] should be used for the last character in 小喬初嫁了, verse two of the second part.
In verse four, part two, the word 綸 is pronounced [guan1/ㄍㄨㄢ], meaning black head scarf, and not [lun2/ㄌㄨㄣˊ].
Literary pronunciation [huan2/ㄏㄨㄢˊ] should be applied to 還 in the final verse.

__Tone patterns, expressions, and structure

Tone pattern (平仄) along with rhyme scheme were two crucial elements of traditional Chinese poetry, especially for the ci 詞 poems which were governed by cipai 詞牌—fixed tune structures.[13] As the editor of Yue yi 樂藝, a quarterly journal of the National Conservatory of Music—the predecessor of Shanghai Conservatory of Music, Qing Zhu included, for its inaugural issue in April of 1930, an article “聲韻是歌之美” (Tone patterns are the beauty of songs), written by the librettist/poet Yi Weizhai 易韋齋.[14] In his own article “作曲和填詞” (Composing music vs filling in lyrics), he also expressed his deep appreciation for this unique literary feature. However, he vehemently opposed allowing tone patterns to dominate melodic constructs, especially applying the same tune to texts of different characters. [15]

He elucidated in “什麼是音樂” (What is Music):[16]

. . .This thing—tone pattern, . . . when used in poetic art, might have some distinctive attribute. However, when applied in music, it would deprive music of its life. Every Chinese ci of the olden days could be sung. How? Once the music was set to a cipai, you could fill up some verses. No matter whether these verses were majestic or afflicted; joyful or sorrow, you could draw upon the same music to sing them. . . . Why could you sing verses of many different meanings using the same music? Because, in the views of the literati who monopolized music, it should be governed by tone patterns. As long as the verses and tone patterns were not in contradiction, naturally they could be sung to the same music which was also dominated by the tone patterns. Imagine how music, dominated by tone patterns, could find independent existence. For example, you wish to compose a song: When you see the lyrics, since you are restricted by the tone patterns of the verses, how can you compose? Even if you painstakingly put together a song, the kind of work that you pursue can only be called “filling in music,” and never “composing.”

Instead, he advocated a rhetoric approach of conveying the poetic expressions by enhancing the key words in each verse. Chosen based on the contents of the verses, these words would be set to longer notes or higher pitches by the composer. Such emphases were to stimulate the audience’s awareness and to stir up their imaginations and emotions.[17]

Like many of his contemporaries, he was a firm believer of the superiority of Western music. Modeled after the tradition of German Lieder,“Da Jiang Dong Qu” was a through-composed piece of two contrasting sections, corresponding to the poetic structure, and a coda. The general tonal structure, E minor-E major-E minor, appeared to be very simple and, to a certain degree, predictable. Some detailed harmonic movements, on the other hand, were fugitive and striking.

The piece opens with a majestic, upward moving, declamation without introduction. Quickly, the melody and dynamic descend, signifying the dissipation of historical greats. The tonic-dominant harmonic progression is obscured by the chromatic moves in verse three. Thus, the first musical phrase ends in B-flat major—far from the home key. The second musical phrase, moving from B-flat to its relative g minor, starts with inquisitive repeating notes in the vocal line and regains the grandeur with an authentic cadence in g minor.

Referencing the battle of red cliffs, in the following phrases, the piano alone depicts the dramatic scenery of fierce battles with fast moving chord and furious sonority, ending with a five-note motif in measure 14 mirroring the melodic line of measures 7 and 8. The six-measure interlude also functions as a tonal bridge, bringing back the opening E minor.

The vocal line returns with broken phrases, parallel to the narrations of verses four and five (mm. 5 and 6). The words 捲起千堆雪 are repeated–the first time rising and the second time falling—depicting the whirling movement. Powerfully, the opening section ends with a half-cadence in e minor, echoing the initial proclamation.

The sudden changes in tonality, dynamics, articulation, and texture marked by a double-barline between measure 22 and measure 23 must be felt and carefully delivered by the singer and the pianist alike. The poet turned from observing the scenery and reminiscing historical events to admiration of his personal hero—Zhou Yu.

Zhou was described to be statuesque and hansom in Records of the Three Kingdoms 三國志.[18] He and the beautiful younger Qiao were considered a match made in heaven. The gentle and flowing musical phrases (mm. 23-29) for verses twelve to fourteen should be presented in an intimate manner. The words 英發 (radiant appearance) were highlighted by a brief harmonic maneuver from E major to A-flat major.

In addition to being a skillful military strategist, Zhou Yu was also known for his musical gift—capable of scrutinizing musical mistakes even after three drinks.[19] Qing Zhu very likely had found a kindred spirit in him. In mm. 30 and 31, we see the easy movement of a feather fan and billowing gown; we hear the casual chattering of quick notes, which led to the climax. The pianist should provide a definitive ending—the total annihilation of the opposing force—with resounding dominant bass in m. 34 and then allowing the sound to fade.

The reflective words of the final verses are matched by the recurrence of the first phrases of the second section. This time, it softens into the minor mode. Then, the ostinato in the piano part, a mantra, brings forward the final abandonment.

—Conclusion

A century had gone by since the creation of “Da jiang dong qu.” It remains one of the most popular vocal works among musicians of Chinese descent. Hopefully, careful studies of the literary and compositional details will expand its popularity to a wider audience.


[1] Liao served as a high court judge of the Beiyang government (北京政府大理院推事) from 1922 to 1924. He then held administrative positions in military organizations, rising from the rank of lieutenant colonel to major general.
[2] Liao used the name 青主Qing Zhu for his musical compositions. A surname Li 黎 was often added for his theoretical and critical writings.
[3]Liáng Màochun 梁茂春, “中國第一首優秀藝術歌曲——青主的《大江東去》” (China’s First Excellent Art Song—Qing Zhu’s ‘Da jiang dong qu’), Music Weekly (音樂週報), January 31, 2003:

“在《大江東去》樂譜的封底附有青主寫的一篇文章——《作者的話》,文中回憶了《大江東去》的產生經過:1920年夏,青主和友人在雷鳴暴雨中划着小艇到湖中作冒險之遊,精神上受到很大振奮。當他回到住所後,’一面聽着外面風雨和松濤的聲音,一面忽得到這首樂歌的動機,思量一夜後,到了明天,吃過早餐,於是坐在鋼琴面前,把昨夜得來的動機,接着蘇東坡那篇大江東去的詞句略為修理一下,隨即把它寫出來,這就是這首樂歌的緣起。’”

[4] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beiyang_government
[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May_Fourth_Movement
[6] Although Liao claimed that he received Ph. D. in Law from Berlin University, documents showed that he completed and submitted his dissertation at Hamburg University in 1922.
https://katalogplus.sub.uni-hamburg.de/vufind/Record/351412646?rank=1. This would explain why he remained in Germany until 1922.
[7] Chinese-Poetry-X-the-Great-River-Flows-Eastwards-大江東去/goldfishodyssey.com
[8] The rhyming syllables are indicated by underlines.
[9]尊=樽
[10] 《御定詞譜》_(四庫全書本)/卷28#念奴嬌十二體/zh.wikisource.org
[11] 洪邁 Hong Mai, a scholar of Southern Song Dynasty, commented in his “notebook” that a version of the poem, hand-written by [黃]魯直 [Huang Luzhi], differed from the commonly circulated version in several phrases.  “詩詞改字“ (“Changing words in shi-ci)”, 《容齋續筆》 卷八, Part 8 of Rongzhai Xubi: “. . . ‘元不伐家有魯直所書東坡〈念奴嬌〉,與今人歌不同者數處: . . . 」,「周郎赤壁」爲「孫吳赤壁」,「亂石穿空」爲「崩雲」,「驚濤拍岸」爲「掠岸」. . .”
中國哲學書電子化計劃,《容齋續筆》, 70-71/147/ctext.org;
《容齋續筆 卷八》/四部叢刊本/zh.wikisource.org; Hong_Mai_Wiki
[12] 《詞綜‧卷六》/zh.wikisource.org
[13]Chinese-poetry-ix-ci-lyric-verses/goldfishodyssey.com; “The Great River Flows Eastwards” was a ci based on the tune Niannujia 念奴嬌.
[14] Yi Weizhai 易韋齋, “聲韻是歌之美” (Tone patterns are the beauty of songs), Yue yi 樂藝, Vol. 1, No. 1 (April 1930), 46-53.
[15] Qing Zhu, “作曲和填詞” (Composing music vs filling in lyrics), Ibid., 59:

I know well that tone pattern is an idiom that’s uniquely ours. Moreover, I have, since my youth, acquired the habit of curling up and chanting poetry. Even now, whenever I could close myself alone in a room where no one could hear me, I would, based on the fixed tone patterns, recite old-time Chinese poetry and songs. However, it would be fine if I wouldn’t think of music. . .. As soon as I think of music, I simply cannot care for preserving such idiom. Because tone pattern is a proclamation of the death sentence of music.

我很知道音韻是我國所專有的一種國粹, 而且我自小便染上了抱膝長吟的習慣, 直到今日, 遇著可以獨自一個人關起房門, 不會有別人聽見我的聲音的時候, 我有時也會把中國舊日的詩歌詞曲, 按著一定的聲韻念起來. 但是,我不想起音樂則已,我想起音樂來,我便不能夠顧全到這種國粹了,因是 聲韻是宣布音樂的死刑的一樣東西.

[16] Li Qingzhu 黎青主, Yin yue tong lun (General Survey of Music) 音樂通論, (1933, reprint, Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore, 1989), 4-5:

聲韻這樣東西, . . . 把牠用在詩的藝術上面,雖然是別有風味,但是把牠應用到音樂裏面,牠便要剝喪音樂的生命了。中國舊日的詞,首首都是可以拿來唱的。怎麼唱?就是有了一個詞牌的音樂之後,你便可以填上一些詞句,不計這些詞句是雄壯,抑或衰澀,是歡樂,抑或愁苦,你都可以依照同一樣的音樂把牠唱出來。. . . 為什麼你可以把好幾樣不同意義的詞句用同一樣的音樂唱出來?因為在包辦音樂的文人看來,音樂是應該受聲韻的支配,祇要那些詞句是和聲韻沒有違背,自可以依照同一樣受聲韻支配著的音樂把牠唱出來。你們試想,音樂受了聲韻的支配,牠那裏還能夠得到獨立的生命呢?比方你要創作一首樂歌, 當你看見那首歌文的時候, 你既然被那首歌文的聲韻限死, 那末, 你那裏還能夠作曲? 你就勉強作出一篇樂歌來, 你這種工作, 亦祇可以說是填曲, 決不可以說是作曲.

[17] Qing Zhu, “作曲和填詞” (Composing music vs filling in lyrics), 59-68.
[18] 《三國志》, 卷54: 「瑜長壯有姿貌。」
[19] 瑜少精意於音樂。雖三爵之後,其有闕誤。瑜必知之,知之必顧,故時人謠曰:「曲有誤,周郎顧。」