Musical Settings (XII)— “In the Mountains” 山中

This entry is part 34 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

__ “In the Mountains 山中,” 徐志摩 Xu Zhimo

庭院是一片靜,
[ting2 yuan4 shi4 yi2 pian4 jing4]
ㄊㄧㄥˊ ㄩㄢˋ ㄕˋ ㄧˊ ㄆㄧㄢˋ ㄐㄧㄥˋ
All is silent in the courtyard.

聽市謠圍抱,
[ting1 shi4 yao2 huan2 bao4]
ㄊㄧㄥˉ ㄕˋ ㄧㄠˊ ㄨㄟˊ ㄅㄠˋ
Audible is the music from the surrounding streets.

織成一地松影——
[zhi1 cheng2 yi2 di4 song1 ying3]
ㄓˉ ㄔㄥˊ ㄧˊ ㄉㄧˋ ㄙㄨㄥˉ ㄧㄥˇ
Shadows of pines interwoven on the ground—

看當頭月好!
[kan4 dang1 tou2 yue4 hoa3]
ㄎㄢˋ ㄉㄤˉ ㄊㄡˊ ㄩㄝˋ ㄏㄠˇ
Beautiful moonlight shines high above.

               ************

不知今夜山中,
[bu4 zhi1 jin1 ye4 shan1 zhong1]
ㄅㄨˋ ㄓˉ ㄐㄧㄣˉ ㄧㄝˋ ㄕㄢˉ ㄓㄨㄥˉ
I wonder, in the mountains tonight. . .

是何等光景:
[shi4 he2 deng3 guang1 jing3]
ㄕˋ ㄏㄜˊ ㄉㄥˇ ㄍㄨㄤˉ ㄐㄧㄥˇ
What the scenery might be.

想也有月,有松,
[xiang3 ye3 you3 yue4 you3 song1]
ㄒㄧㄤˇ ㄧㄝˇ ㄧㄡˇ ㄩㄝˋ ㄧㄡˇ ㄙㄨㄥˉ
Perhaps, there would also be the moon, the pines,

有更深曲靜。
[you3 geng4 shen1 qu1 jing4]
ㄧㄡˇ ㄍㄥˋ ㄕㄣˉ ㄑㄩˉ ㄐㄧㄥˋ
And much more profound silence.

               ************

我想攀附月色,
[wo3 xiang3 pan1 fu4 yue4 se4]
ㄨㄛˇ ㄒㄧㄤˇ ㄆㄢˉ ㄈㄨˋ ㄩㄝˋ ㄙㄜˋ
I wish to rise up along the moonlight,

化一陣清風,
[hua4 yi2 zhen4 qing1 feng1]
ㄏㄨㄚˋ ㄧˊ ㄓㄣˋ ㄑㄧㄥˉ ㄈㄥˉ
Transform into a fresh breeze,

吹醒群松春醉,
[chui1 xing3 qun2 song1 cun1 zui4]
ㄔㄨㄟˉ ㄒㄧㄥˇ ㄑㄩㄣˊ ㄙㄨㄥˉ ㄔㄨㄣˉ ㄗㄨㄟˋ
Wake up those pines intoxicated by the spring,

去山中浮動;
[qu4 shan1 zhong1 fu2 dong4]
ㄑㄩˋ ㄕㄢˉ ㄓㄨㄥˉ ㄈㄨˊ ㄉㄨㄥˋ
Float around the mountains.

               ************

吹下一針新碧,
[chui1 xia4 yi4 zhen1 xin1 bi4]
ㄔㄨㄟˉ ㄒㄧㄚˋ ㄧˉ ㄓㄣˉ ㄒㄧㄣˉ ㄅㄧˋ
Blowing off verdant pine needles,

掉在你窗前;
[diao4 zai4 ni3 chuang1 qian2]
ㄉㄧㄠˋ ㄗㄞˋ ㄋㄧˇ ㄔㄨㄤˉ ㄑㄧㄢˊ
Falling in front of your windows,

輕柔如同嘆息——
[qing1 rou2 ru2 tong2 tan4 xi2]
ㄑㄧㄥˉ ㄖㄡˊ ㄖㄨˊ ㄊㄨㄥˊ ㄊㄢˋ ㄒㄧˊ
Soft like a sigh

不驚你安眠!
[bu4 jing1 ni3 an1 mian2]
ㄅㄨˋ ㄐㄧㄥˉ ㄋㄧˇ ㄢˉ ㄇㄧㄢˊ
Not to disturb your peaceful rest.

__April 1, 1931

After Xu Zhimo’s marriage to Lu Xiaoman 陸小曼, his parents severed their financial support to him.[1] He took on multiple teaching jobs in Shanghai but was having difficulties sustaining her extravagant lifestyle. In winter of 1930, Hu Shi invited Xu to teach at Beijing University as well as the Women’s College. Xu’s letters to Hu dated January 28, and February 7, 1931, revealed his desire to move away from Shanghai not only for financial reasons but also for a personal and professional reboot. However, the complications of making such a move, including consents from his parents, caused him to hesitate. On February 9, he finalized the decision to accept the positions.[2]

Since Lu insisted on remaining in Shanghai, Xu became a frequent traveler between the two cities. While considering the job offer, Xu politely asked to board with Hu’s family at their new residence, 4 Miliangku Hutong (米糧庫衚衕四號).[3] Blocks away from the northern border of the Forbidden City, the alley, with its influential residents, was a gathering place for elites in the 1930s. In his letter to Lu on February 24, Xu described the comfortable setup of the guestroom on the second floor with gas heat and a bathroom nearby:[4]

眉:前一天信諒到, 我已安到北平… 胡家一切都已替我預備好. 我的房間在樓上, 一大間, 後面是祖望的房, 再過去是澡室, 房間里有汽爐舒適的很.

A courtyard lined with pines, separating Hu’s western-styled, multi-story house from the street and its clamors, was the backdrop of this poem. Without mentioning her name, Xu expressed his affections and concerns for Lin Huiyin 林徽因 who was convalescing from tuberculosis at Shuangqing Villa 雙清別墅 on Xiangshan 香山 (Fragrant Hill).[5]

Having completed her studies in America, Lin Huiyin returned to China with her newly wedded husband Liang Sicheng 梁思成 in 1928. Together, they founded the Department of Architecture at Northeastern University in Shenyang. In autumn of 1930, Xu visited them and found Lin in poor health. He persuaded her to go to Beijing for medical treatment. Soon, due to the severity of her condition, the doctors ordered her to receive care at a sanatorium. In March of 1931, Lin moved into Shuangqing Villa for a six-months seclusion with limited visitation.

In the opening stanza, we found the poet, alone in the courtyard, immersed in total silence. Born into wealth, he was experiencing serious financial difficulties—his silk garments, one torn and one burned (cigarette?), had to be mended by his hostess.[6] The heavy teaching load—new courses at two colleges—was physically demanding. This moment of peacefulness must have brought him much needed clarity and inspiration.

The moonlight, the breeze and the shifting shadows of the pines transported his thoughts to another place of similar scenery where someone he cared about deeply might be resting peacefully. He wished to be by her side yet not to disturb her—like a breeze patting her windows with pine needles.

Structurally, this poem is clearly defined with four sets of quatrains of 5-6-5-6 word counts. The rhyme scheme is ABAB, except for the odd-number lines in the third stanza. The final [ŋ/ㄥ] is used heavily in the rhymes. Technically, it involves all three disciplines in Shijing [Classic of Poetry]: 賦 —description—in the first stanza; 比 bi—comparison, the second; 興 xing—association, the later and more personal stanzas.[7] Instead of narrating the story, interpreters should seek to deliver the sincerity and intimacy reflected in the words.

__Chen Tianhe 陳田鶴 (1911-1955)

Chen Tianhe, birth name Qidong 啓東, was from Wenzhou 溫州 of Zhenjiang Province. His father’s surname was Zhan 詹. His mother passed away when he was nine years old. Raised by his grandparents on his mother’s side, he also took up their family name Chen 陳. He showed great interest in literature, fine arts and music from an early age. Although the family was poor, they provided him with the best education possible.

In 1928, he entered newly established Wenzhou Arts Professional School 溫州藝術專業學校, majoring in Chinese painting. Soon, he changed his focus to music under the tutelage of Miao Tianrui 繆天瑞, another Wenzhou native and one of the founders of the school.

As the school closed due to lack of funding, he transferred to Shanghai Fine Arts School 上海美術專科學校 in the following year. While there, he became friends with Li Zhongchao 李仲超. Their participation in a student protest which turned into physical clashes with the authorities led to their expulsion from the school. They were also prohibited from attending any other school in the area. To overcome such obstacles, they changed their names—Li Zhongchoa became Jiang Dingshan 江定山; Chen Qidong, Tianhe, and were accepted at the Shanghai National Conservatory of Music. They studied theory with Xiao Youmei and composition with Huang Zi.

Even though his study at the conservatory was intermittent,[8]  he was the first to publish his compositions and essays among the so-called “four great disciples” of Huang Zi.[9] His early works appeared in periodicals, such as Yueyi 樂藝, Music Education (monthly)[10] and Music Magazine (quarterly). Several songs were included in Fuxing Chuji Zhongxue Jiaokeshu 復興初級中學音樂教科書.[11] In February of 1937, his first song collection Huiyi ji 回憶集 [nostalgia collection] was released in Shanghai.[12]

From August of 1936 to September of 1937, Chen worked at Provincial Theater of Shandong in Jinan 濟南. While there, he collaborated with Wang Bosheng 王泊生, a Chinese opera singer and the leader of the “new opera” movement,[13] on Yuefei 岳飛, a large stage production of 7 acts and 12 scenes, integrating traditional theater, songs, and dance with mixed instrumentation.[14] He also composed a four-act opera Jingke 荆軻 with libretto by Wang.[15] It was structured in the western style with prelude, interlude, arias, vocal ensembles, and chorus. These experiences prepared him for his large scale works in later years.

A true patriot, Chen devoted his efforts on anti-Japanese activism during the Second Sino-Japanese War. In late 1937, he gave up his work in Shandong and returned to Shanghai. He and several colleagues cofounded “Chinese Composers Association 中國作曲者協會,” publishing Zhange 戰歌 [war song] weekly. When Japanese military occupied the Chinese-controlled areas of the city, he relocated to the war-time capital Chongqing.[16] He administered training courses for music educators; edited teaching materials; and continued to write and compose—mostly patriotic songs. Works in his second song collection Jiansheng ji 劍聲集 [sounds-of-sword collection] (1943) reflected his focus of this period.[17]

Chen contributed greatly to the development of cantatas in modern China. As he fled the Japanese-controlled Shanghai, he safeguarded the manuscript of Huang Zi’s cantata Changhen ge 長恨歌 [Song of perpetual longing]—a dramatic depiction of the love story between Emperor Tang Xuanzhong 唐玄宗 and his concubine Yang Yuhuan 楊玉環, drawing inspiration from Bai Juyi’s epic poem of the same name.[18] While in Chongqing, Chen wrote Heliang huabie 河梁話別 (1943), a cantata based on the misadventure of Su Wu 蘇武 (Western Han Dynasty, c. 140 BC-60 BC)—his diplomatic expedition to Xiongnu, exile, and his unyielding loyalty to the court.[19]

In 1935, Huang Zi composed Fantasy of City Scenes 都市風光幻想曲 for the title sequence of Scenes of City Life 都市風光.[20] It was the first professionally written film score by a Chinese composer. Following in his mentor’s footsteps, Chen also wrote theme songs for several movies, mostly in art-song style with piano accompaniment. They became the pioneers of Chinese film composers.

Chen turned to teaching, collecting folk music, and score arrangements in the later years. From 1940 to 1945, he held teaching position at Qingmuguan National Music Conservatory 青木關國立音樂院. His piano accompaniments helped to popularize Man jian hong 滿江紅—a traditional tune with ci lyrics attributed to Yue Fei, and Zai na yaoyuan de difang 在那遙遠的地方 [in the faraway land]—a Tibetan folk song. In December 1949, he produced a piano reduction of the Yellow River Cantata黃河大合唱 by Xian Xinghai 冼星海 for students at Fujian Music Professional School 福建音樂專科學校. In 1951, he became of a member of the music composition team at the Beijing People’s Art Theater 北京人民藝術劇院. His assignments, however, were mostly orchestration and arrangements.

In 1953, Chen and his colleagues were sent to Yicun 伊春 in the forest of Lesser Khingan 小興安嶺, Heilongjiang Province 黑龍江省 for ideological reform. He wrote his last composition “Senlin ah! Lüse de haiyang 森林啊!綠色的海洋” [Ah forests! green ocean], a chorus work with lyrics by Jin Fan 金帆 depicting the scenery of the region. In declining health, he died of a heart attack in 1955.

__ “Shan Zhong,” Chen Tianhe’s setting (1934)

Chen Tianhe’s setting of Xu’s words first appeared in the inaugural issue of Music Magazine (Shanghai, January 1934). The clearly defined musical sections are in accordance with the poetic structure.

The first section, marked Andante molto cantabile, opens in A-flat major. The two-bar motif which weaves through the piece like a needle first appears in the lower voice of the piano introduction and, immediately, the opening vocal line. Since its appearances almost always link to the images of pine, it is appropriate to call it the “pine” motif:

A variation of this motif became the counter melody, paring with the voices until measure 10, corresponding to the end of the first stanza.

The first musical phrase ends with a half cadence in m. 6. The second one ends in m. 10, again on e-flat, however, fully cadenced.

As a change of thoughts, in the same measure, with a d-flat bass note, the music turns right back to A-flat major. The movements in the piano accompaniment intensify slightly in mm. 11-14, only to return to the calmness of the opening duet. The second stanza of the poem concluded in the original key quietly—”with profound silence.”

To reflect the fantastic transformation of the poet’s thoughts in the third stanza, the pace of the music increases. After a quick hint of D-flat major in mm. 19-20, the tonality shifts to its parallel C-sharp minor. Quick and light arpeggios in the piano part emulate the gentle breeze, flowing freely. Large leaps and chromatic movements in the vocal part throughout the section reveal the hidden emotions in the words.

The “pine” motif in the piano part in mm. 30-31 brings back the calmness of the opening section. A slightly-extended version of the motif, gently exchanged between the voice and the piano, concludes the final stanza of the poem.

“Shan Zhong” is a carefully designed work, organized in its structure and imaginary in its details. It is full of Chinese characters without intentionally “being Chinese.” For singers, the primary technical challenge is to carry out smooth phrases. In the middle—Allegretto—section, the voice must be well-balanced between registers. The pianist must take on the role of an intimate partner, threading through all the emotional changes and be sensitive to all the symbolic features. Whether the repeating chords in the opening section or the flowing arpeggios in the middle, all the technical issues must be skillfully handled. The utmost important task for both performers is to deliver the emotional vulnerability sincerely.


[1] For biographical details of Xu Zhimo: goldfishodyssey.com_chinese-poetry-xvii-chance-encounter-偶然
[2] Xu Zhimo Quanji 徐志摩全集 [The complete works of Xu Zhimo], ed. By Han Shishan 韓石山, Tianjin ren min chu ban she, Tianjin city, 2005, vol. 6—Letters, 259-264:
一九三零年冬
適之: . . . 上海學潮越來越糟, 我現在正處兩難, 請為兄約略言之. . .. 凡此種種, 仿彿都在逼我北去, 因南方更無教書生計, 且所聞見類, 皆不愉快事. 竟不可一日, 居然而遷家實不易知.
一九三一年一月二十八日
適哥:. . . 此函到時, 當已安人米糧庫, 胡太太弗復憂矣. . . 上海今實如大漠矣, . . 爲我自身言至願北遷. 況又承兄等厚意, 爲謀生計若弗應命, 毋乃自棄. 然言遷則大小家庭尚須疏通而外, 遷居本身亦非易之.
一九三一年二月七日
適哥:連接兩函及電至謝. . . 但我實在有不少爲難處. . . 上海生活, 於我實在是太不相宜, 我覺得骨頭都懶酥了, 再下去真有些不堪設想. 因此我自己爲救己, 的確想往北方跑, 多少可以認真做些事. . . .我如果去自然先得住朋友家, 你家也極好.先謝.
一九三一年二月九日
適之:你勝利了,我已決定遵命北上,但雜事待處理的不少. . . 到北京恐怕得深擾胡太太, 我想你家比較寬舒, 外加書香得可愛, 就給我樓上那一間吧.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid, 150.
[5] Fragrant_Hills_Wiki
[6] Xu Zhimo Quanji, 150.
[7] goldfishodyssey.com_chinese-poetry-i-classic-of-poetry-詩經
[8] Chen’s study was interrupted the first time in 1932 when the conservatory shut down after the January 28 Sino-Japanese conflicts in the Shanghai International Settlement. The financial difficulties of his family forced him to take on various jobs while studying part-time. In 1935 and 1936, he resumed full-time study but only for one term each time. He never completed his study at the conservatory.
[9] Chen Tianhe, Liu Xue’an 劉雪庵, Jiang Dingshan, and He Luting 賀綠汀 are known as the “four great disciples 四大弟子” of Huang Zi.
[10] See commons.wikimedia.org_音樂教育_1934年2卷1期.pdf This is a special issue on elementary school music education.
[11] Fuxing Chuji Zhongxue Jiaokeshu 復興初級中學音樂教科書, Commercial Press 商務印書館, Shanghai, 1933-1935. It is a 6-volume music teaching series edited by Huang Zi and his colleagues
[12] Huiyi ji 回憶集, Zhonghua Publishing 中華書局發行所, Shanghai, 1937. commons.m.wikimedia.org_回憶集.pdf
[13] Wang Bosheng 王泊生 (1902-1965) specialized in “lao sheng”—elderly male character in Peking opera. He was committed to transfer traditional theater into “new opera.”
[14] Yue Fei (1103-1142) was a patriotic hero of the Southern Song Dynasty. Yue_Fei_Wiki
[15] Jin Ke (?-227 BC) was a knight of the Warring State period, known for his heroic but failed mission to assassinate the tyrannical King Zheng of the Qin State—later the first Emperor of China. Jing_Ke_Wiki
[16] Japanese military did not enter the International Settlement and French Concession until 1941. Even though commercial and cultural activities continued with foreign supports, these areas became isolated from the rest of the city. Therefore, this period between 1937 and 1941 was often referred to as “Solitary Island Period 孤島時期.”
[17] Jiansheng ji 劍聲集, Dadong Bookstore 大東書局, Chongqing, 1943. It was the only collection of an individual composer during the war time. commons.m.wikimedia.org_/劍聲集.pdf
[18] The libretto of Changhen ge was written by Wei Hanzhang韋瀚章. The titles of individual movements were taken from Bai Juyi’s poem. The work consisted of ten movements. The fourth, seventh, and nineth movements were incomplete at the time of Huang Zi’s death. Lin Shengxi 林聲翕, Huang’s pupil, completed and edited the work with Wei in 1972.
[19] In the Preface to Heliang huabie 河梁話別, Lu Qian 盧前, the librettist, detailed his early encounter and collaboration with Chen Tianhe, his colleagues at the Music Educators Training Course 音樂師資訓練班 in Shapingba 沙坪壩 in 1939. Chen admired Lu’s lyrics and encouraged him to write a long-form cantata [康達達]. Inspired by Su Wu’s biology in Hanshu 漢書, he completed the libretto in ten days. Although the scores of a few individual movements were in circulation, the completion of the entire work came much later in autumn of 1943. It was published by Yongkui Music Printing Press 詠葵樂譜刊印社 in January 1946 in Chengdu 成都.
commons.wikimedia.org_河梁話別_清唱劇.pdf
[20] Youtube_Huang-Zi-Fantasia of City Scenes

Musical Settings (X): “Bouquets in the Vase” 瓶花

This entry is part 32 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

__Bouquets in the Vase 瓶花[1]

南宋,范成大
Southern Song, Fan Chengda

《春來風雨無一日好晴因賦瓶花二絕》,其一:
“With springtime, came the wind and the rain. There hasn’t been one bright sunny day. Thus, I drafted two jueju poems on ‘bouquets in the vase’”—Here is one of the two:

滿插瓶花罷出遊,
Abandoning outdoor excursions,
I filled up the vase with bouquets of flowers instead.
[man3 cha1 ping2 hua1 man4 chu1 you2]
ㄇㄢˇ ㄔㄚˉ ㄆㄧㄥˊ ㄏㄨㄚˉ ㄇㄢˋ ㄔㄨˉ ㄧㄡˊ

莫將攀折為花愁。
Do not pity the flowers for being snapped from the branches.
[mo4 jiang1 pan1 zhe2 wei4 hua1 chou2]
ㄇㄛˋ ㄐㄧㄤˉ ㄆㄢˉ ㄓㄜˊ ㄨㄟˋ ㄏㄨㄚˉ ㄔㄡˊ

不知燭照香熏看,
Wouldn’t you know:
being appreciated under the candlelight, surrounded by aromatic incense,
[bu4 zhi1 zhu2 zhoa4 xiang1 xun1 kan4]
ㄅㄨˋ ㄓˉ ㄓㄨˊ ㄓㄠˋ ㄒㄧㄤˉ ㄒㄩㄣˉ ㄎㄢˋ

何似風吹雨打休?
Is incomparable to being beaten and destroyed by winds and rain.
[he2 si4 feng1 chuei1 yu3 da3 xiu1]
ㄏㄜˊ ㄙˋ ㄈㄥˉ ㄔㄨㄟˉ ㄩˇ ㄉㄚˇ ㄒㄧㄡˉ

****************************

胡適,「瓶花詩」:
Hu Shi, “Poem on Bouquets in the Vase”

不是怕風吹雨打,
Not worried about flowers being beaten by winds and rain,
[bu2 shi4 pa4 feng1 chuei1 yu3 da3]
ㄅㄨˊ ㄕˋ ㄆㄚˋ ㄈㄥˉ ㄔㄨㄟˉ ㄩˇ ㄉㄚˇ

不是羨[慕那]燭照香熏。
Not envy candlelight and fragrant incense. . .
[bu2 shi4 xian4 mu4 na4 zhu2 zhoa4 xiang1 xun1]
ㄅㄨˊ ㄕˋ ㄒㄧㄢˋ ㄇㄨˋ ㄋㄚˋ ㄓㄨˊ ㄓㄠˋ ㄒㄧㄤˉ ㄒㄩㄣˉ

只喜歡那折花的人,
Simply love the person who picked the flowers,
[zhi3 xi3 huan1 na4 zhe2 hua1 de5 ren2]
ㄓˇ ㄒㄧˇ ㄏㄨㄢˉ ㄋㄚˋ ㄓㄜˊ ㄏㄨㄚˉ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄖㄣˊ

高興和伊親近。
Pleased to be near her.
[gao1 xing4 he2 yi1 qin1 jin4]
ㄍㄠˉ ㄒㄧㄥˋ ㄏㄜˊ ㄧˉ ㄑㄧㄣˉ ㄐㄧㄣˋ

            *****

花瓣兒紛紛謝了,
Petals are withering one by one.
[hua14 fen1 fen1 xie4 le5]
ㄏㄨㄚˉ ㄅㄚˋㄦ˙ ㄈㄣˉ ㄈㄣˉ ㄒㄧㄝˋ ㄌㄜ˙

勞伊親手收存,
Troubling her to gather and preserve them,
[lao2 yi1 qin1 shou3 shou1 cun2]
ㄌㄠˊ ㄧˉ ㄑㄧㄣˉ ㄕㄡˇ ㄕㄡˉ ㄘㄨㄣˊ

寄與伊心上的人,
Sending them to the person in her heart,
[ji4 yu3 yi1 xin1 shang4 de5 ren2]
ㄐㄧˋ ㄩˇ ㄧˉ ㄒㄧㄣˉ ㄕㄤˋ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄖㄣˊ

當一封沒有字的書信。
As a letter without words.
[dang1 yi4 feng1 mei2 you3 zi4 de5 shu1 xin4]
ㄉㄤˉ ㄧˋ ㄈㄥˉ ㄇㄟˊ ㄧㄡˇ ㄗˋ ㄉㄜ˙ ㄕㄨˉ ㄒㄧㄣˋ

__Fan Chengda 范成大

Fan Chengda 范成大 (1126–1193), courtesy name Zhineng 致能,[2] was a statesman, author, and poet of the Southern Song Dynasty. His father Fan Yu 范雩 was a scholar and administrator. His mother was the granddaughter of the great calligrapher Cai Xiang 蔡襄. As a teenager, he lost both of his parents. This might have delayed his pursuit of a career in government.[3] In 1154, he passed the Jinshi 進士degree of the Imperial Examination and began a long and illustrious administrative career.

In June 1170, Emperor Xiaozong 孝宗 named Fan Chengda the special envoy to the Jin court, with the mission of regaining access to the Imperial Mausoleum of the Northern Song[4] and to renegotiate the ceremonial details of diplomatic exchanges.[5] Since the latter could easily be seen as a willful disregard of previous treaties and a provocation for war, the emperor refused to include it the official communication. Fan, fully aware of the challenges and dangers, accepted the daunting mission.

He chronicled his journey to the Jin capital in Lanpei lu 攬轡錄.[6] Starting on the day when he crossed the Huai River and ending on the day he reentered the Song territory, he described the existing conditions of historical sites, lives of commoners, and local customs. Along with Lanpei lu, Fan also wrote seventy-two seven-character jueju, further detailing the sceneries and his encounters with people. These poems were included in Fan’s poetic collection Shihu ji 石湖集.[7] The vivid language in both the prose document and the poems reflected the nostalgia and patriotism of the author towards his nation as well as his compassion for the Han people living under the Jurchen dynasty.

As his administrative duties took him to various regions, he continued the practice of annotating his experiences. In 1171, for his assignment as the magistrate of Jingjian prefecture 靜江府, Fan travelled from Wujun 吳郡 (Suzhou) to Guangxi/Guilin. He kept a travelogue, Canluan lu 驂鸞錄, from the seventh day of the twelfth lunar month in 1171 to the tenth day of the third month of the following year.[8]

Historically, southwestern regions were considered undesirable habitats because of the heat, the humidity, and the geographical challenges. Nonetheless, Fan seemed to have enjoyed his sojourn in the area. Shihu ji, Chapter 14 contained his poetic works of this period.[9] In 1175, during his long river journey to his new assignment in Sichuan, he penned Gui Hai Yu Heng Zhi 桂海虞衡志, a treatise on the topography and customs of Guangxi and Guilin.[10]

Rounding up his achievements and contributions as a writer of travel literature and documentarian were two more treatise: Wuchuan lu吳船錄 and Wujun zhi 吳郡志.[11] The former recorded his boat trip from Sichuan to Lin’an 臨安 in 1177. [12] The latter, written during Fan’s retirement, was a large-scale work of fifty chapters, encompassing the geography, history, luminaries, economy, and customs of Suzhou.

In autumn of 1183, after repeated pleadings, Fan was granted an honorary position and retired to his country home on the north shore of Shi Hu (石湖, Stone Lake).[13] His poetic works of this period reflected the joy of rustic lifestyle. The most representative among them are sixty vignettes on the idyllic scenes of four seasons– “Siji tianyuan zaxing” 《四季田園雜興》. Written in 1186, the collection comprised of five sets of seven-character jueju. Each set of twelve poems depicted the village life and sceneries of a different season: early spring, late spring, summer, autumn, and winter.[14]

Fan was often praised for his naturalistic approach by critics of the later periods and was recognized as one of the “Four Masters of the Southern Song Dynasty,” along with Yang Wanli 楊萬里, Lu You 陸游, and You Mao 尤袤. During the last years of his life, Fan Chengda compiled and edited his works and with the help of his son Fan Xin 范莘. In 1203 (嘉泰三年), ten years after his death, the entire body of his works was printed by Fan Xin and his brother Fan Zi 范茲. Entitled Shihu ji 石湖集, the compilation comprised of over hundred and thirty chapters. The poetic works, including ci 詞, fu 賦, yuefu 樂府, and old-style verses 古詩, and totaling over two thousand individual verses in 34 Chapters, are still in circulation.[15]

__ “Bouquets in the Vase 瓶花”

The two seven-character jueju appeared in Chapter 26 of Shihu Shiji.[16] Fan Chengda mentioned the year binwu 丙午 (1186) several times in the chapter. Since he organized his works in chronological order, these verses were likely written in that year.

Fan was turning sixty-one and not in good health.[17] The seemingly endless spring rains prevented the ailing poet from stepping outside. He filled up the vases with cut flowers, most likely his favorite meihua 梅花 (blossoms of Chinese plums),[18] bringing the outdoor beauty inside. Under candlelight, surrounded by the fragrance of incense, he reflected on the fragility of the flowers. Rather than allowing the inclement weather to cut short their existence, wouldn’t it be better for them to be admired?

__ “Poem on Bouquets in the Vase 瓶花詩”

In the preface to his first poetic collection Chang shi ji 嘗試集 (1920), Hu Shi 胡適 testified that he was already writing prose essays in plain language as early as 1906 (丙午).[19] His early poems were mostly in the traditional style. While studying at Cornell and Columbia, influenced by western literature, he began experimenting with vernacular poetry, despite the oppositions of his friends and colleagues.

Around the time he drafted “A Preliminary Discussion of Literature Reform” 《文學改良芻議》 (1916),[20] Hu started compiling his poetry. As a refutation to Lu You’s statement “Since ancient times, experiments never succeeded 嘗試成功自古無,”[21] Hu named his collection “Chang shi 嘗試” (“Experiments), with the goal of achieving success through experiments. Initially, he struggled with breaking through the constraints of versification. Gradually, he allowed the natural flow of the vernacular language to shape the verses.

“Poem on Bouquets in the Vase” was written on June 6, 1925, revised in 1928, and included in a later collection Chang shi hou ji 嘗試後集.[22] Zhao Yuanren called it “Commentary [on Fan Chengda’s Poem] by Hu Shi.”[23] While the first two verses, derivations of Fan’s poems, bore resemblance of traditional poetry, the remaining verses were in plain language.

The poet gathered the flowers not to protect them from the stormy weather, nor to enjoy them in solitude. He simply wanted to be near the person who cut the flowers. The word伊 yi in the later verses left little doubt that the poet was referring to a lady.[24] And, by the time the petals started falling, he might not be near her. It was his hope that she would collect and deliver the withering flowers as a message without words.

In his correspondence to Hu Shi dated July 3, 1925, Liang Qichao 梁啟超 gave high praise to this poem as well as another one from August of the previous year: “These two poems are exquisite and can be seen as ‘free-styled’ ci.”[25] By categorizing them as “ci,” Liang seemed to acknowledge their applicability as song lyrics.

Liang, a leading figure of the culture reform movement, not only supported the creation of new poetry but also cared very much about the qualities of these works. Rhyming was among his concerns. In Hu’s poem, the third and the fourth verses of both stanzas ended with same words—人 ren2 and 信 xin4. In Mandarin, they share the same final [n] with the ending words of the second verses 熏 xun1 and 存 zun2. 人 ren2, 熏 xun1, and 存 zun2 are level-tone words while 信 xin4 is oblique. Liang gave an interesting suggestion: “The work responding to the Shihu poem would be even more marvelous if the first and the third verses rhyme—the first one, oblique; the third, level. . ..” He did not clarify whether it should apply to both stanzas. This suggestion was unusual in several aspects: Traditionally, the rhyming of the initial verse was optional. The third verse should be unrhymed and with an oblique ending. Conceivably, Liang was embracing the experimental spirit fully and wished to break away further from the tradition.

__ “Ping Hua 瓶花” (1927)

Reflecting the stylistic natures of the two poems, Zhao Yuanren divided his setting into two parts with distinct approaches. For the first part, set to the words of Fan Chengda, he turned to the poetic chanting tradition again, using the seven-character-jueju tune as the cantus firmus.

Using d-flat as the tonal center, the vocal lines were built on pentatonic scales and the accompaniment, seven-tone scales. Zhao avoided western-sounding harmonic progressions. In the Preface to Xinshi geji, he mentioned a few possibilities in creating Chinese-sounding harmonies, including using parallel fifth, which “Debussy had also experimented. . ..”[26] On the other hand, he rejected the idea that parallel fourth and fifth were the only options.[27] In “Ping Hua,” he relied heavily on various inversions of d-flat chords to provided harmonic movements. Chords based on e-flat and b-flat, ii and iv of D-flat major respectively, while added colors occasionally, were functionally obscure. The first dominant-tonic cadence took place at the end of verse four in mm. 23-24. The piano part, which had remained in high registers up to this point also became lower. The interlude ended with another full cadence in mm. 30-31 confirming the D-flat major tonality.

The composer noted that the application of falsetto would not only be suitable for the high vocal tessitura in this section but also enhance the “Chinese character.” This seemed to also indicate that this song should be sung by a male voice. The portamenti on the words 看 kan4 and 似 si4 in mm. 20 and 21 are mandatory.[28]

Verses one and two of Hu’s poem were set in C-sharp minor, the enharmonic (parallel) minor of the initial key. Subtly, the composer acknowledged the connection between the poems and the sense of denial in Hu’s words—however slightly. A Picardi third in mm. 40-41 brought back the original key. In the following two verses, the mood turned brighter as the music moved toward the dominant A-flat major. The large leaps in the vocal line highlighted the words “喜歡 xi3huan1” (like) and “高興 gau1xing4” (pleased). The words “人 ren2” (person) and “伊 yi1” (her) are set on the highest notes in the section.

Stealthily, the tonality took another turn to the subdominant G-flat major in mm. 51-58 as the piano moved steadily in eighth-note chords, depicting the petals falling gradually with the passing of time. The intimate final verses—寄與伊心上的人, 當一封沒有字的書信—were carried out in pentatonic vocal lines as in the opening section. The piano postlude echoed the opening introduction, wrapping up the song with longing and nostalgia.

A few textual modifications took place in the second part of the song: The words 慕 mu4 and 那 na4 were added to the verse 不是羨燭照香熏 to better the musical flow. The first verse of the second stanza appeared in a calligraphy in Hu’s own hand as 花瓣兒紛紛落了.[29] In Zhao’s setting and Chang shi hou ji, 落 luo4 (falling) was replaced by 謝 xie4 (withering).[30] A structural particle 的 de5 was added for the smoothness of the verse. In the musical setting, Zhao seemed to suggest that the rhotacization (erhua 兒化)in 花 [瓣兒] would be optional. This feature, if applied, would replace the [n] in 瓣 ban4 with a soft [ɹ] and could lead to a much gentler expression.

The composer proposed an optional ending for the piece: Return to the opening phrase for the final word 信 xin4. Use a vocal hum on a nasalized schwa [ә̃] in the next three phrases. The piano would conclude at the fine.[31] To execute this option, it would be necessary for the singer to breathe after 字 zi4 in m. 66. Humming on a nasalized schwa in the high register might be a challenge. For Chinese speaking singers [ㄤ/ang] might be a good option. A neutral humming sound similar to that in the “Humming chorus” in Madama Butterfly could also be effective.

Both the singer and the pianist need to be sensitive to the stylistic details throughout the entire song. In the opening section, the vocal line requires plenty flexibility to achieve the chant-like fluidity. The arpeggiated chords in the accompaniment should emulate the sounds of 琴 qin or 箏 zheng, articulated yet resonant. In m. 17, all sounds drop out except two simple notes in the piano, repeating and reflecting the word 愁 chou2 (sorrow). It is possible to lengthen the a-flat trill slightly. Nevertheless, the second note f should be in time, leading the singer into the following measure/verse smoothly. The pianist and the singer should coordinate carefully in m. 21 so the end of the portamento down to b-flat and the triplet upbeat in the piano part could blend well together. Again, the pickup notes should bridge the two phrases without delay or interruption.

In the first part of the Andantino section, at the end of each phrase, a brief melodic “insert” takes place in the higher register of the piano part. Three of these inserts are doubled in octave. Zhao indicated in the original score that they should be played with both hands—each handling one octave, clearly to keep the melodic pattern smooth and legato. Reminiscences of the chant, they should be delivered sans rigueur.

__Conclusion

The selections in Xinshi geji were roughly in chronological order. The opening numbers were two short settings of Hu Shi’s words: “他 He” and “小詩 Little Poem,” both written in 1922. Zhao Yuanren later thought that these works were “totally western (generic)” that foreigners would not be able to tell the nationality of the composer.[32] As he continued his efforts to intergrade western and Chinese features in his compositions, the last two solo pieces “聽雨 Listening to the Rain” and “瓶花 Bouquets in the Vase” were both built on traditional poetic chants.[33]

“Ping Hua” was not as popular as two 1926 songs, “Shang Shan 上山” (Climbing up the Mountain) and “Ye Shi Wei Yun 也是微雲” (Again the Thin Clouds). [34] The intricacies which make it special also post challenges to the performers. Nonetheless, its historical and artistic values cannot be ignored.


[1] In the revised edition of Xinshi geji 新詩歌集 (Taipei City, Commercial Press, 1960), an English title “flowers in the Jar” was given. The word “jar” projects a casual image which does not seem fitting to the elegance of the poem. Thus, a modified title is used here.
[2] Often appeared as 至能.
[3] In a lengthy epitaph for Fan Chengda, Zhou Bida 周必大 noted that Fan’s mother passed away when he was fourteen years old, and his father died in the following year. For a long period of time after that, Fan was not interested in advancing his career.
<資政殿大學士贈銀青光祿大夫范公神道碑, 慶元元年 (1195)>, 周必大. 文忠集, 卷61, 四庫全書, 集部四: . . . 考雩終左奉議郎秘書郎贈少師, 母秦國夫人蔡氏, 莆陽忠惠公之孫, 而潞忠烈公外孫也, 公在懐抱已識屛間字. 少師力教之, 年十二徧讀經史, 十四能文詞. 是嵗秦國薨; 明年少師薨. 公㷀然哀慕, 十年不出. 竭力嫁二妹, 無科舉意.
Chronologist Yu Beishan 于北山 (1917-1987) pointed out that Fan Yu retired from his official duty in 1143 and likely died later that year when Fan Chengda was eighteen years old.
Yu, Fan Chengda nianpu 范成大年谱 [A Chronicle of Fan Chengda’s life], Shanghai gu ji chu ban she 上海古籍出版社 (Shanghai, 1987), 18.
[4] The Northern Song Imperial Mausoleum is in Gongyi 鞏義, near Zhengzhou City 鄭州市 in Henan Province. northern-song-dynasty-mausoleum-80755-www.trip.com/a>
[5] 宋史, 卷34, 孝宗本紀: “乾道六年, 閏[五]月 . . . 戊子, 遣范成大等使金求陵寢地, 且請更定受書禮
宋史紀事本末, 卷77, 隆興和議: “乾道. . . 六年閏五月, 以起居郎范成大爲金國祈請使, 求陵寢地及更定受書禮, 蓋泛使也.初, 紹興要盟之日, 金先約毋得擅易大臣, 秦檜益思媚金, 禮文多可議者, 而受書之儀特甚. 凡金使者至, 捧書升殿, 北面立榻前跪進, 帝降榻受書, 以授內侍. 金主初立, 使者至, 陳康伯令伴使取書以進. 及湯思退當國, 復循紹興故事. 帝常悔恨, 每欲遣泛使直之, 陳俊卿既屢諫不聽, 罷去. 至是, 乃令成大使金。
After the Jingkang incident (1127), the Northern Song Dynasty collapsed. The Jin Dynasty established by Jurchen leaders controlled the north and the Song court moved to Jinling 金陵, today’s Nanjing. Jingkang_incident_Wiki
As the power struggles continued between the Han and the Jurchen courts in the following decades, a few treaties and peace agreements were negotiated and ratified. In 1142, Emperor Gaozong 高宗 accepted the terms in the Treaty of Shaoxing 紹興和議. Among other things, the Song court formally relinquished control of territories north of the Huai River. It also acknowledged that it was a vassal state of the Jin court. The latter established the Jurchen dynasty as the ruler of a new tributary system, overturning the protocol in which, for centuries, centering around the Han courts.
In 1164—the second year of Longxing period 隆興二年, Emperor Xiaozong renegotiated new terms with the Jin court. In an official communication in early 1165, Xiaozong addressed himself as the nephew of the Jin emperor instead of a subordinate. Nevertheless, when receiving envoys from the Jin court, the Song Emperor must descend from his throne. It was his wish to reestablish a more balanced protocol. Treaty_of_Shaoxing_Wiki
[6] 攬轡錄_zh.wikisource.org 攬轡 means “holding the reins.”
[7] Shihu ji 石湖集, 卷 12. 石湖詩集_(四庫全書本)_zh.wikisource.org
Fan Shihu ji 范石湖集, ed. Fu Guisun 富貴蓀 (Shanghai, Shanghai guji chubanshe上海古籍出版社, 2006), 145-158.
[8] 驂鸞錄_(四庫全書本)_zh.wikisource.org
Luan鸞 is a Chinese mythological bird. Luan_(mythology)_Wiki
Canluan 驂鸞, literally “riding on the luan bird,” implies a divine journey.
There was a leap/intercalary month between the first and the second months in the lunar calendar that year. So, the entire journey lasted for about four months.
[9] goldfishodyssey.com/two-rivers-and-a-wall-ii-the-yangtze-river-長江
石湖詩集_(四庫全書本)/卷14_zh.wikisource.org.
[10] 桂海虞衡志, 四庫全書, 史部十一_zh.wikisource.org
In the final entry of Canluan lu, Fan commentated on its origin and suggested that readers who were interested in the customs of the region should turn to Gui Hai Yu Heng Lu. Since the latter was written several years later, it was believed that the entry might have been an addendum.
[11] 吳船錄_zh.wikisource.org
吳郡志_zh.wikisource.org
[12] Lin’an 臨安, capital city of the Southern Song Dynasty, is today’s Hangzhou 杭州.
Fan Chengda suffered from poor health throughout his life and often mentioned his ailments in his writings.  In early 1177, he was severely ill. His seven-character lüshi, dated twenty-seventh day of the second lunar month, was annotated: “Just able to lift my head after illness 病後始能扶頭.” In Wuchuan lu, Part I, he mentioned that he nearly died of sickness in the spring: “今春病少城,幾殆,僅得更生. . ..” As he recovered, he requested for resignation and returning to the east.
[13] Fan was afflicted by prolonged symptoms of dizziness. He wished to retire from the court. On his fifth appeal, Xiaozong Emperor granted him the position of Zizheng Daxueshi 資政大學士 as an honorary political counsel, and a ceremonial appointment administering Dongxiao temple洞霄宮.
[14] 石湖詩集 (四庫全書) /卷27_zh.wikisource.org
[15] According to Zhou Bida’s epigraph and Song Shi, <Yi Wen Zhi> 宋史, 藝文志, the collection contains 136 chapters. Yu Beishan 于北山 noted in Fan Chengda Nianpu 范成大年譜 that the complete collection was still in existence in Ming Dynasty but was largely dispersed and destroyed in later periods. Ibid., Preface, 4.
石湖詩集 (四庫全書)_zh.wikisource.org
诗文索引 宋 范成大 https://sou-yun.cn/
[16] There are also two five-character jueju of the same title in Chapter 32 of Shihu shiji.
[17] Binwu_Fire_Horse_Wiki
Upon the arrival of the new year binwu, Fan wrote a poem as a gift to himself for turning sixty-one and having completed a sexagenary cycle: “丙午新年六十一嵗俗謂之元命作詩自貺.” Traditionally, Chinese babies are one year old the year they are born.
He also mentioned convalescing in Shihu in the opening remark of “Siji tianyuan zaxing”: “淳熈丙午沉疴少紓復至石湖舊隠.”
[18] Prunus_mume_Wiki
Meihu was not only a frequent theme in Fan’s poetry, but also the subject of his horticultural treaties Meipu 梅譜—another important work of 1186.
[19] Chang shi ji 嘗試集 was first published in Shanghai by Yadong Library 亞東圖書館 in 1920. It would be amended, revised, and reprinted thirteen times until the break of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. 《嘗試集》自序_zh.wikisource.org
See also Hu Shi zuo pin ji 胡適作品集, Vol. 27 (Taipei, Yuanliu Publishing, 1986), 17.
[20] goldfishodyssey.com/revolutions-chinese-poetry-xv
hu-shih-and-chinese-language-reform_chinaheritage.net
[21] The statement was the final verse of Lu’s seven-character jueju: 江閣欲開千尺像,雲龕先定此規模。斜陽徙倚空三嘆,嘗試成功自古無。
[22] In 1952, Hu complied unpublished post-1922 works in a “preliminary selection” which later became Chang shi hou ji 嘗試後集. See Hu Shi zuo pin ji, Vol. 28, 1.
[23] English song-list in Xinshi geji (1960): “Words by Fan Ch’êng-ta[,] commentary by Hu Shih.” Zhao also cited “Contemporary Review 現代評論”—a weekly political and literary magazine—Vol. 2, No. 49, p. 16, issued on November 14, 1925, as a source of the text in his commentary. Xinshi geji, 64.
[24] 伊 was a gender neutral third person singular pronoun, commonly used in classical literature and regional dialects. In 1878, Guo Zansheng 郭贊生 in Chinese & English Grammar for Beginners 文法初階 used 伊 for the translation of “she,” 彼 for “it,” and 他 for “he.” During the new culture movement, several regular contributors of the New Youth magazine as well as organizations of the women’s movement supported the usage of 伊 as a female pronoun. The character 她, first used by Liu Bannong, gained popularity gradually and was adopted officially by the Department of Education in 1935.
[25] Liang Rengong xian sheng nian pu chang bian chu gao 梁任公先生年譜長編初稿, Part 3 下冊, compiled by Ding Wenjiang 丁文江, (Taipei, Shijie Bookstore 世界書局Taipei City, 1958), 675:
適知足下: 兩詩妙絕,可算「自由的詞」。石湖詩書後那首,若能第一句與第三句為韵—第一句仄,第三句平—則更妙矣。去年八月那首,「月」字和「夜」字用北京話讀來算有韵,南邊話便不叶了,廣東話更遠,念起來總覺不嘴順。所以拆開都是好句,合誦便覺情味減,這是個人感覺如此,不知對不對. . .
(An image of the original calligraphy of this segment is included in the above cited volume.)
Xia Xiaohong 夏曉虹 suggested that the second poem could have been “Ye shi wei yun也是微雲—Once Again Thin Clouds,” which was also set to music by Zhao Yuanren. https://m.sohu.com/n/397184866/ If this assumption were true, “Once Again Thin Clouds,” often thought to be a work of 1925, would have been written no later than August of 1924. In Zhao’s commentary on his 1926 setting, he mentioned obtaining a copy of the unpublished poem directly from Hu Shi. Xinshi geji, 63. Like “Poem on bouquets in the vase,” “Once Again Thin Clouds” was included in Chang shi hou ji.
[26] Xinshi geji, Preface, 11-12: “”
至於和聲運用的方法. . . 我在這個歌集裏頭也稍微做了一點新試驗. 第8歌 勞動歌裏 “識字讀書” 四字的主調是 232 1,底音(bass) 就作 656 1, 這也可以算是一種中國化的和聲. 第11歌教我如何不想他的過門上部作565, 第二部作123, 這種 56, 12 的[並]行五度 (parallel fifths) 在初學和聲者應該曉得避用, 但在特別加味的音樂裏不妨自由用用 . . . 561 跟 123 的配法, 我想以後都可以認為中國和聲法當中的家常便飯. 我弄的這些跟還有別的頑意兒, 並不是絕對的新發明, 五音階的和聲, Debussy 也作過些試驗了. . ..
[27] Ibid., Preface, 15.
[28] Ibid., 64
[29] An image of this calligraphy, signed 適之, can be seen in Vol. 27 of Hu Shi zuo pin ji.
[30] Ibid., Vol. 28, 17.
[31] Xinshi geji, 65.
[32] “他 He” appeared in Chang shi ji, second edition (1920), 7. Zhao Yuanren noted in the introduction to Xinshi geji (page 0) that Hu Shi thought it to be too childish: 胡適之先生嫌他太幼稚了。It was removed from the later editions of Change shi ji. In the 2nd-revised edition of Xinshi geji (1960), Zhao translated the title to the female form “she” with the remark of (i.e. China).
“小詩 Little Poem” was taken from Chang shi ji, revised edition (1922), 61.
Zhao’s self-critique reads: “頭三個是完全西洋派 (普通派,外國人看不出是哪一國人作的音樂).” Here, he mentioned a third song, likely “過印度洋 Crossing the Indian Ocean.” Xinshi geji, Preface, 12.
[33] Ibid., 13.
The fourteenth and final selection in the collection, “海韻 Hai yun” (Sea Rhyme), is a work for soprano solo and chorus.
[34] “上山 (Climbing Up the Mountain),” Chang shi ji, revised edition (1922), 67.