Chinese Poetry (XII): A Love Song 卜算子

This entry is part 17 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

Lǐ Zhīyí 李之儀
Bǔsuànzi卜算子
I live near the headwaters of the Long River 我住長江頭[1]

我住長江頭,君住長江尾。
I live near the headwaters of the Long River,
You live near the basin of the Long River.
日日思君不見君,共飲長江水。
Day after day, thinking of you but not able to see you,
Still, we both drink the water of the Long River.

* * * * * * * * *

此水幾時休,此恨何時已。
This water, when will it stop flowing?
This grief! when will it end?
只願君心似我心,定不負相思意。
I only hope that your heart is like mine:
I will never betray your devotion.

__Lǐ Zhīyí 李之儀

Lǐ Zhīyí (1038~1117), courtesy name Duānshú 端叔, art name Gūxī姑溪居士, was a writer of the Song Dynasty. His official correspondences were praised by several scholars/writers of the Southern Song Dynasty.[2] Editors of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書 of the Qing Dynasty extended their admirations on his works in other categories, calling them “spirited and superior, often possessed the style of Su Shì. . ..”[3] In the annotated catalogue of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書總目, Li was recognized as “a skillful ci writer, especially with xiǎolìng 小令—the short lyrics.[4]

In his early years, Lǐ was under the tutelage of Fàn Chúnrén 范純仁, the son of the prominent scholar and philosopher Fàn Zhòngyān 范仲淹. Later, he befriended Sū Shì 蘇軾, Huáng Tíngjiān 黃庭堅, and Qín Guān 秦觀, members of the so-called “Yuányòu group” 元祐黨人, opponents of the new policies being implemented by the imperial court .[5] Because of his association with them, his political career was checkered and unfulfilled.

In 1103, Li was banished to Taipin Prefecture 太平州, today’s Anhui Province. Within a few years, he lost his daughter-in-law, son, and daughter. In 1105, his beloved wife of forty years Hú Shúxiu 胡淑修 also passed away. His health rapidly declined under political pressure and personal losses.

At the lowest point of his life, Lǐ Zhīyí met a songstress Yang Shu 楊姝, who’s beauty and musical talent were celebrated among elite literary circles.[6] Despite of their age differences—Li in his seventies and she, a teen, they found companionship in each other and later wed. Together, they endured challenges through time.[7] Lǐ Zhīyí’s most known work “Bǔsuànzi” was a dedication to Yang Shu and a declaration of love.

__The Tune

The word 卜[bǔ] means “to predict future,” most likely using the Eight Trigram Chart—Baguà 八卦. 算 [suàn] means “to count,” or “to compute”—literally and figuratively. The term 卜算子 [bǔsuànzi] refers to “a fortune teller.”

There are several hypotheses of the origin of the tune and its name:

Luò Binwang 駱賓王, a poet of the Tang Dynasty, often included numbers in his verses. People nicknamed him 卜算子. Qing-Dynasty scholar Mao Xianshu 毛先舒 (1620-1688) suggested that the tune, thus, gained its name.[8]

Another possible source of the tune name was a verse by Huáng Tíngjiān: “似扶著, 賣卜算,” referencing street fortune tellers.

One of the tune’s variant names “bǎichǐ lóu” 百尺樓 (“Hundred-feet tower”) was taken from a poem by Qin Zhan 秦湛.[9]

The original form of Bǔsuànzi, a typical xiaoling, consisted of forty-four words in two stanzas. It was popular among poets of the Northern Song Dynasty. Later, it expanded into a two-stanza manci –卜算子慢 with eighty-nine or ninety-three words. There were variations in both the short and the long forms.

__I lived near the headwaters of the Long River

As one of the leading ci writers, Su Shi believed that ci and shi shared the same origin, and that ci was “descendants” of shi.[10] He wished to break away from the ornate vocabulary of the early ci and “elevate” the genre with the elegance of shi. Despite his close friendship with Su, Li Zhiyi had a very different appreciation of ci. He opened his essay “Epilogue to Wu Sidào’s Xiaoci” 跋吳思道小詞 by declaring that ci had its own style and structure, and that a slight departure from the framework would cause discord.[11]

He cited Yangquan qiu 陽關曲[12] to explain the differences between fitting a tune to an existing poem and creating lyrics for a particular melody—thus, the origin of the ci genre. For him, when writing ci poem, the author must appreciate the origin and meanings of every chosen word. A skillfully crafted ending would be most intriguing: As the words ended, the expressions carry on; after the expressions fade away, the emotions linger.

Through a gentle female voice, Li presented a love story in his “Busuanzhi.”[13] The protagonist was separated from her lover by the great distances of the Long River. Paradoxically, the river was the one thing that linked them together, as they both drank from its water. Every day, it reminded her of the never-ending separation. How and when would her sorrow end? By professing her love, she wished for a reciprocal devotion. The simplicity of Li’s “Busuanzhi” recalled the folk-song-like character of Yuefu. It also reflected the plebeian root of ci genre. However, the elegant vocabulary and the subtle delivery rendered such refinements only found in elite literature.


[1] Chang Jiang 長江 is the common name in Chinese for the Yangtze River. The latter is used mostly in the Western world.
[2] 王明清 (1127-?), 《揮麈後錄》, 卷6: “端叔於尺牘尤工. . .”. 吳芾, “姑溪居士前集序”: “元祐間余始得其尺牘, 頗愛其言思清婉有晉宋人風味. . .”
[3] 《四庫全書》, 姑溪居士前集提要: “然他作亦皆神鋒俊逸, 徃徃具蘓軾之一體. . .”
[4] 《四庫全書總目》, 卷一百九十八, 集部五十一:“. . . 之儀以尺牘擅名,而其詞亦工,小令尤清婉峭,殆不減秦觀。” Xiǎolìng小令: Verses within 58 words.
[5] The mutual appreciations between Li and Su were well documented in their correspondences. New_Policies_(Song_dynasty)_Wiki Steles with 309 names of opponents of the New Policy were erected in 1105. The black-listed officials and their descendants were not allowed to pursue political careers.
[6] Upon the departure of Huáng Tíngjiān into exile, Yang Shu played an ancient piece “Lǚ Shuāng Cāo” 履霜操, hinting the injustice of his fate and warning him to be cautious. Huang penned several poems in response. She was only thirteen years of age at the time.
[7] 《揮麈後錄》: “郡娼楊姝者,色藝見稱於黃山谷詩詞中。端叔喪偶無嗣,老益無謬,因遂畜楊於家,已而生子,遇郊禋受延賞。會蔡元長再相,功父知元長之惡端叔也,乃訹豪民吉生者訟於朝,謂冒以其子受蔭,置鞫受誣,又坐削籍。. . . 楊姝者亦被決。. . .”
Wang Mingqing, Huizhu houlu: “[There was a] prefectural songstress Yang Shu, who’s beauty and skills were praised by Huang Shangu [Tíngjiān] in his shi and ci. [Li] Duanshu, who had lost his spouse and was without issue, old and with no one to rely on, took her into his household. Later she bore him a son, who received official privilege during local sacrificial ceremony. When Cai Yuanzhang regained his grand councillorship, [Guo] Gonfù knowing that Cai hated Duanshu, persuaded Ji Sheng, a powerful man, to report to the court, charging Li letting his son receive privilege fraudulently. Li went under investigation; was falsely accused and stripped of his official position. Yang Shu was convicted as well. . ..” Later, Li’s nephew Lin Yànzhèn 林彥振 and his disciple Wu Kěsi 吳可思 sought official help and litigated in court. Eventually, he was vindicated; regained his position and the guardianship of his son.
[8] 毛先舒, 《填詞名解》。
[9] 萬樹, 《詞律》, 卷三: “羌城云駱義烏詩用數名, 人謂之卜算子, 故牌名取之. 按山谷詞 “似扶著賣卜算,” 蓋取義以今賣卜算命之人也, 因秦詞 “極日煙中百尺樓 故巧名百尺樓。”
[10] 蘇軾, <祭張子野文>: “微詞宛轉,蓋詩之裔”
[11]李之儀_《跋吳思道小詞》
[12] Song of Yangguan_www.silkqin.com ; Three-Refrains-of-Yangguan/goldfishodyssey.com
[13] Even though the word 君 can be simply translated as “you,” in Literary Chinese, it usually refers to a male. It is often used as an honorific title.

Chinese Poetry (XIII): Turning Point

This entry is part 18 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

The integration of music and lyrics continued to develop throughout the Song Dynasty. In the Southern Song, a new type of lyrics qu 曲, gained popularity. It reached its height in the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368). Hence the name Yuanqu 元曲.

Like ci, based on tune patterns, the lengths of qu verses vary. While the vocabulary in ci is refined and elegant, vernacular expressions are common in qu. In qu, to enhance the expressions and for bettering transitions between verses, auxiliary words can be added to the verses.

Individual lyrics or suits of songs are categorized as sanqu 散曲. They are recited or sung without dramatic actions. Large scales of qu accompanied by dance and drama become zaju 雜劇, namely “mixed drama.”

The most significant difference between Song ci and Yuan qu is found in their linguistic characteristics. The rhyme schemes of ci drew upon the phonology of the late Middle Chinese; those of the qu were based on the “Northern sounds,” the Early Mandarin.

In 1324 sanqu author Zhou Deqing (周德清) compiled a rhyme book Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻. Eventually published in 1341, the book was created to reflect the phonological elements of qu—in a strict sense, those of the northern qu. In his annotations, Zhou criticized the people who rejected the current linguistic developments and held on to the prescriptions of the old practice. According to him, Zhongyuan yin (中原音—sounds of the Central Plain) should be the proper tongue.[1] Even though Zhou described it as the language of political arguments, commerce, education, and legislation for the nation, Zhongyuan yin was a northern dialect used in Dadu 大都, the “Grand Capital” of the Yuan Dynasty and today’s Beijing city.[2]

As the Middle Chinese evolved throughout the centuries, it branched into several regional variants. While there were many variants in the mountainous southern regions, Jin 晉and Mandarin were the only two dialects spoken in the north.[3] Shen Zhongwei 沈鍾偉traced the characteristic development of Mandarin back to Liao (907-1125), a Khitan state and Jin (1115-1234), a Jurchen state during the Song Dynasty.[4] Such influences from non-Han cultures continued as the Mongols ruled China proper during the Yuan Dynasty.[5]

Phonological developments of languages are constant and continuous. Qieyun 切韻, with 12,158 entries of characters in 193 rhyme groups, had been the guide of standard practice since the sixth century. In 1008, Emperor Zhenzong of the Song Dynasty commissioned a new rhyme book Guanyun 廣韻. Despite its expanded entries of 26,194 characters and 206 final rhymes, Guanyun remained close to the tonal organization of Qieyun.[6] A few decades later, in the Daoist treaties Hungji jingshi shu 皇極經世書 (“Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles”), numerologist and ontologist Shao Yong邵雍 (1012-1077) devised a phonological table Shengyin Changhe Tu 聲音唱和圖, in which he categorized/numbered phonemes—initials (sheng) and finals (yin).[7]

Instead of following the sounds of literary tradition, Shao Yong’s phonological analysis reflected the sounds of the northern dialect, practiced in the Central Plain.[8] There were several noticeable developments from the Late Middle Chinese:

Voiced consonants becoming voiceless
Ping (level) tone 平聲 splitting into yin (feminine/dark) and yang (masculine/bright)[9]
Disappearances of final endings in /p/, /t/ and /k/ as well as glottal stops—all characteristics of (“entering” or “checked”) tone 入聲[10]

These changes had solidified by the Yuan Dynasty and shaped the characteristics of the Early Mandarin.[11] This branch of the Chinese phonological system, because of its usage in a vast geographical area, gradually became the standard of the spoken Chinese. Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻 has become one of the most reliable phonological sources on Modern Chinese.

The dominance of poetry, either in shi or ci style, waned after the Song Dynasty. On the practical side, the elimination of poetry from the imperial exam was a major factor of this phenomenon.[12] The rise of vernacular languages also contributed greatly to the decline of poetic writing, often restricted by rules. Free from formative restrictions, long-form literature blossomed. The popularity of qu, especially its long form zaju led to major developments in Chinese theatrical literature. Novels, represented by the “Four Classic” Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義, Journey to the West 西遊記, Water Margin 水滸傳, and Dream of the Red Chamber 紅樓夢, became the predominant literary genre during the Ming and the Qing dynasties.[13]

Both the phonological changes and the colloquialization of literature in the 13th– and the 14th-centuries would have strong impact on the next wave of changes taking place at the turn of the 20th century.


[1] 周德清, 《中原音韻》, 〈正語作詞起例〉: 余嘗於天下都會之所,聞人間通濟之言:「世之泥古非今、不達時變者眾;呼吸之間,動引《廣韻》為證,寧甘受鴂舌之誚而不悔。亦不思混一日久,四海同音,上自縉紳講論治道,及國語翻譯,國學教授言語,下至訟庭理民,莫非中原之音。……與堅守《廣韻》方語之徒,轉其喉舌,換其齒牙,使執而不變、迂闊庸腐之儒皆為通儒,道聽塗說、輕浮市廛之子悉為才子矣。」
[2] Compilers and editors of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書 placed Zhongyuan Yinyun in the 集 (“Collections”) category. They also commented on Zhou Deqing’s linguistic views:
“. . . Since Yuefu were based on northern tunes, it should naturally be sung in northern sounds. This catalogue by Dequing, therefore, was based on the inherent characters of [qu.] For this reason, it was appropriately applied in Northern qu until now. To attack ancient sounds based on [the northern sounds] seemed limited by a single opinion, overly obstinate. Each language belongs to its region. It evolves over time. [Just as] literary work has its style. . ..”
“. . . 樂府既為北調, 自應歌以北音. 德清此譜, 蓋亦因其自然之節所以作. 北曲者沿用至今, 言各有當, 此之謂也. 至於因而掊擊古音, 則拘於一偏, 主持太過. 夫語言各有方域, 時代遞有變遷, 文章亦各有體裁. . ..”
[3] Xiang 湘and Gan 贛 are used in the middle/lower middle Yangtze regions. Wu 吳 is spoken in the lower Yangtze region. (Shanghainese is one of many dialects in this group.) Min 閩 is spoken in the southeastern coast, including today’s Fujian Province and Taiwan; Yue 粵, Cantonese, spoken in Canton Province and Hongkong; Hakka 客家, spoken wherever Hakka people reside—in Canton, Taiwan, East Asia and South Asia. All these dialects are still in used today.
[4] Shen, Zhongwei, and 沈鍾偉. “THE ORIGIN OF MANDARIN / 官話的起源.” Journal of Chinese Linguistics 39, no. 1 (2011): 1–31. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23754434.
[5] Yuan_dynasty_Wiki
[6] The full name of Guanyun was 《大宋重修廣韻》, meaning “Revised and Expanded Rhymes of the Great Song Dynasty.”
[7] Shao_Yong_Wiki; 皇極經世聲音唱和圖_Wiki_zh-tw
Alain Arrault, “Numbers, Models and Sounds: Numerical Speculations of Shao Yong (1012-1077)”, Monumenta Serica, 61 (2013): 183-201.
[8] Often referred as “Bianluo” sounds 汴洛語音—sounds from 汴Bian, capital of the Song Dynasty, and 洛 Luo, western capital Luoyang 洛陽.
[9] Ma Chuandong and Tan Lunhua, “Research on the Time When Ping Split into Yin and Yang in the Chinese Northern Dialect”, Chinese Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1, (2014), 19-23.
[10] Editors of Siku Quanshu gave an observant explanation of this development: “Northern sounds were meandering and laden with heaviness. They did not make short conclusive sounds. All entering tones were [turned] into [the other] three tones. It was a natural occurrence of regional practice.”
“北音舒長遲重,不能作收藏短促之聲。凡入聲皆讀人三聲,自其風土使然。” 《四庫全書, 中原音韻》
[11] It is important to note that many phonological elements of Middle Chinese are preserved in dialects, especially those of the southern regions.
[12] In 1756, poetry was again included in the exam.
[13]Classic_Chinese_Novels_Wiki
The texts of these great novels were written in a style mixing classical (literary) Chinese and colloquial expressions.