Musical Settings (IV): “The Great River Flows Eastwards,” The Song

This entry is part 26 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

The setting of “The Great River Flows Eastwards 大江東去” (Shu Shi 蘇軾, 1082) by Liao Shangguo 廖尙果 was written in 1920 while the composer was studying law in Germany. After returning to China in 1922, Liao held high-powered administrative and military positions until his participation in the failed communist Guangzhou uprising in 1927.[1] Wanted by the Nationalist government, he fled to Shanghai where, with helps from Xiao Youmei 蕭友梅, he became involved in music education, critical writing, and publishing. In 1930, “Da jiang dong qu 大江東去” was published by his firm X Bookstore, under the pen name Qing Zhu 青主.[2] In the back-cover note, he gave an anecdotal genesis of the song:

In the summer of 1920, while vacationing in the countryside, adventurously, he and his friend rowed out to the nearby lake in a small boat on a thundery night. He returned to the cottage feeling exhilarated. Listening to the sounds of thunder and rustling pine tree, he conceived the musical motive of the song. After a night of contemplation, he sat in front of the piano; made some modifications to Su Shi’s “Da jiang dong qu;” and set it to the melody.[3]

Looking beyond this striking narration of an impulsive young man finding creative ideas in tempestuous surrounding, “Da jiang dong qu” was in fact an amalgamation of Qing Zhu’s literary knowledge, musical training, and aspirational reflections. Rather than a spontaneous outburst of inspiration, its creation was a long-time-coming.

Born into a literary family in 1893, Qing Zhu was fond of learning and showed interest in music since his early years. In 1908, he enrolled in the junior school of Whampoa Military Academy where he played trumpet in the marching band. Reform-minded, he participated in the 1911 Xinhai Revolution 辛亥革命, overthrowing the Qing Dynasty. For his contribution, he received governmental grant to study military science in Germany in 1912. However, the newly established Beiyang government 北洋政府[4] objected to young people studying military strategy abroad. Under the pressure, he soon switched to studying law. While in Berlin, he also studied music theory and learned to play the piano, violin, and flute.

In 1919, the political and cultural changes in China climaxed with the student demonstrations on May Fourth.[5] It would not be difficult to imagine how such powerful movement would have impacted a young person of great political aspirations despite the geographical distance. By the summer of 1920, Qing Zhu had completed his coursework.[6] How proud he must have felt reaching such a milestone in life; how eager he must have been to utilize his knowledge and to serve his country, a new democracy embroiled in internal conflicts as well as external threats.

Well-versed in Chinese literature, Qing Zhu would have been familiar with “The Great River Flows Eastwards,” written by Su Shi, two years after he was banished to Huanzhou 黃州 for his political ideology.[7] Upon visiting the Red Cliffs by the Yellow River, astonished by the striking scenery, the poet lamented the fugitiveness of lives in contrast to the perpetuity of the water. Reminiscing the greats from the Three Kingdoms and their heroic acts during the Battle of the Red Cliff, he praised the characters and strategies of Zhou Yu 周瑜. Yet, no bravery or talent could stand the test of time. Life was but a dream.

Indirectly, Su Shi hinted his own desire to achieve greatness while resigning to the transience of life. It should have been no surprise that Qing Zhu found inspirations in this poem, especially after an adventurous boat trip.

—Lyrics

大江東去,浪淘盡、
da4 jiang1 dong1 qu4, lang4 tao2 jin4. . .
ㄉㄚˋ  ㄐㄧㄤ  ㄉㄨㄥ  ㄑㄩˋ,  ㄌㄤˋ ㄊㄠˊ  ㄐㄧㄣˋ
千古風流人[8]
qian1 gu3 feng1 liu2 ren2 wu4.
ㄑㄧㄢ  ㄍㄨˇ  ㄈㄥ  ㄌㄧㄡˊ  ㄖㄣˊ  ㄨˋ

故壘西邊,人道是、
gu4 lei3 xi1 bian1, ren2 dao4 shi4:
ㄍㄨˋ  ㄌㄟˇ  ㄒㄧ  ㄅㄧㄢ,  ㄖㄣˊ  ㄉㄠˋ  ㄕˋ
三國周郎赤
san1 guo2 zhou1 lang2 chi4 bi4.
ㄙㄢ  ㄍㄨㄛˊ  ㄓㄡ  ㄌㄤˊ  ㄔˋ ㄅㄧˋ

亂石崩雲,驚濤裂岸,捲起千堆
luan4 shi2 beng1 yun2, jing1 tao1 lie4 an4, juan2 qi3 qian1 dui1 xue3.
ㄌㄨㄢˋ  ㄕˊ  ㄅㄥ  ㄩㄣˊ,  ㄐㄧㄥ  ㄊㄠ  ㄌㄧㄝˋ  ㄢˋ,  ㄐㄩㄢˊ  ㄑㄧˇ  ㄑㄧㄢ  ㄉㄨㄟ ㄒㄩㄝˇ

江山如畫,一時多少豪
jiang1 shan1 ru2 hua4, yi4 shi2 duo1 shao3 hao2 jie2.
ㄐㄧㄤ  ㄕㄢ  ㄖㄨˊ  ㄏㄨㄚˋ,  ㄧˋ  ㄕˊ  ㄉㄨㄛ  ㄕㄠˇ  ㄏㄠˊ  ㄐㄧㄝˊ

*****************

遙想公瑾當年,小喬初嫁了,雄姿英
yao2 xiang3 gong1jin3 dang1 nian2, xiao3qiao2 chu1 jia4 liao3, xiong2 zi1 ying1 fa1.
ㄧㄠˊ  ㄒㄧㄤˇ  ㄍㄨㄥ  ㄐㄧㄣˇ  ㄉㄤ  ㄋㄧㄢˊ,  ㄒㄧㄠˇ  ㄑㄧㄠˊ  ㄔㄨ  ㄐㄧㄚˋ  ㄌㄧㄠˇ,
ㄒㄩㄥˊ ㄗ  ㄧㄥ  ㄈㄚ

羽扇綸巾,談笑間、
yu3 shan4 guan1 jin1, tan2 xiao4 jian1. . .
ㄩˇ  ㄕㄢˋ  ㄍㄨㄢ  ㄐㄧㄣ,  ㄊㄢˊ  ㄒㄧㄠˋ  ㄐㄧㄢ
強虜灰飛煙
qiang2 lu3 hui1 fei1 yan1 mie4
ㄑㄧㄤˊ  ㄌㄨˇ  ㄏㄨㄟ  ㄈㄟ  ㄧㄢ  ㄇㄧㄝˋ

故國神遊,多情應笑我,早生華
gu4 guo2 shen2 you2, duo1 qing2 ying1 xiao4 wo3, zao3 sheng1 hua2 fa3.
ㄍㄨˋ  ㄍㄨㄛˊ  ㄕㄣˊ  ㄧㄡˊ  ㄉㄨㄛ  ㄑㄧㄥˊ  ㄧㄥ  ㄒㄧㄠˋ  ㄨㄛˇ  ㄗㄠˇ  ㄕㄥ  ㄏㄨㄚˊ  ㄈㄚˇ

人生如夢, 一尊[9]還酹江
ren2 sheng1 ru2 meng4, yi4 zun1 huan2 lei4 jiang1 yue4.
ㄖㄣˊ  ㄕㄥ  ㄖㄨˊ  ㄇㄥˋ  ㄧˋ  ㄗㄨㄣ  ㄏㄨㄢˊ  ㄌㄟˋ  ㄐㄧㄤ  ㄩㄝˋ

In the back-cover note, Qing Zhu mentioned that he modified Su Shi’s wording slightly without providing details. His lyric followed closely the version from Yu ding ci pu 御定詞譜 included in the “Ji” 集section of Siku Quansu 《四庫全書》.[10] It was a version most widely known to readers of the last centuries.

In phrases five and six, he changed the words “穿空. . . 拍岸” ([chuan1 kong1. . .pai1 an4/ㄔㄨㄢ ㄎㄨㄥ. . . ㄆㄞ ㄢˋ]; piercing the sky. . . slapping the shoreline) to “崩雲. . .裂岸” ([beng1 yun2. . .lie4 an4/ㄅㄥ ㄩㄣˊ. . . ㄌㄧㄝˋ ㄢˋ]; bursting the clouds. . . splitting the shores), referencing a version from Rongzhai Xubi 《容齋續筆》, dated c.1193, where the text read: “崩雲. . .掠岸” ([beng1 yun2. . . lüe4 an4/ㄅㄥ ㄩㄣˊ. . . ㄌㄩㄝˋ ㄢˋ]; bursting the clouds. . . sweeping the shores).[11] Qing Zhu’s edited text enhanced the image and sounds of these verses.

In the second part of the poem, the fifth phrase reads “談笑處” ([tan2 xiao4 chu4 /ㄊㄢˊ ㄒㄧㄠˋ ㄔㄨˋ]; as casual chats took place) in both Yu ding ci pu and Rongzhai xubi. Qing Zhu used “談笑間” ([tan2 xiao4 jian1/ㄊㄢˊ ㄒㄧㄠˋ ㄐㄧㄢ]; amid casual chats), appeared in Ci zong 《詞綜》of 1744. [12] In phrase six, instead of 檣艣/檣櫓 ([qiang2 lu3/ㄑㄧㄤˊ ㄌㄨˇ], masts and sculls) as appeared in most sources, Qing Zhu chose the homophone 強虜 (barbaric enemies). For the penultimate phrase, rather than 人間如寄 ([renjian ru ji/ㄖㄣˊ ㄐㄧㄢ ㄖㄨˊㄐㄧˋ], “the mortal world is like a temporary shelter”) or 人間如夢 ([renjian ru meng/ㄖㄣˊ ㄐㄧㄢ ㄖㄨˊ ㄇㄥˋ], “the mortal world is like a dream”) in some sources, he used “人生如夢” ([rensheng ru meng/ㄖㄣˊ ㄕㄥ ㄖㄨˊ ㄇㄥˋ], “Life is like a dream. . .”).

Special attention should be given to the pronunciation of the following words:
Tone sandhi should be applied to 捲起 in verse nine—both in the third tone, resulting in [juan2 qi3/ㄐㄩㄢˊ  ㄑㄧˇ].
Literary pronunciation [liao3/ㄌㄧㄠˇ] should be used for the last character in 小喬初嫁了, verse two of the second part.
In verse four, part two, the word 綸 is pronounced [guan1/ㄍㄨㄢ], meaning black head scarf, and not [lun2/ㄌㄨㄣˊ].
Literary pronunciation [huan2/ㄏㄨㄢˊ] should be applied to 還 in the final verse.

__Tone patterns, expressions, and structure

Tone pattern (平仄) along with rhyme scheme were two crucial elements of traditional Chinese poetry, especially for the ci 詞 poems which were governed by cipai 詞牌—fixed tune structures.[13] As the editor of Yue yi 樂藝, a quarterly journal of the National Conservatory of Music—the predecessor of Shanghai Conservatory of Music, Qing Zhu included, for its inaugural issue in April of 1930, an article “聲韻是歌之美” (Tone patterns are the beauty of songs), written by the librettist/poet Yi Weizhai 易韋齋.[14] In his own article “作曲和填詞” (Composing music vs filling in lyrics), he also expressed his deep appreciation for this unique literary feature. However, he vehemently opposed allowing tone patterns to dominate melodic constructs, especially applying the same tune to texts of different characters. [15]

He elucidated in “什麼是音樂” (What is Music):[16]

Instead, he advocated a rhetoric approach of conveying the poetic expressions by enhancing the key words in each verse. Chosen based on the contents of the verses, these words would be set to longer notes or higher pitches by the composer. Such emphases were to stimulate the audience’s awareness and to stir up their imaginations and emotions.[17]

Like many of his contemporaries, he was a firm believer of the superiority of Western music. Modeled after the tradition of German Lieder,“Da Jiang Dong Qu” was a through-composed piece of two contrasting sections, corresponding to the poetic structure, and a coda. The general tonal structure, E minor-E major-E minor, appeared to be very simple and, to a certain degree, predictable. Some detailed harmonic movements, on the other hand, were fugitive and striking.

The piece opens with a majestic, upward moving, declamation without introduction. Quickly, the melody and dynamic descend, signifying the dissipation of historical greats. The tonic-dominant harmonic progression is obscured by the chromatic moves in verse three. Thus, the first musical phrase ends in B-flat major—far from the home key. The second musical phrase, moving from B-flat to its relative g minor, starts with inquisitive repeating notes in the vocal line and regains the grandeur with an authentic cadence in g minor.

Referencing the battle of red cliffs, in the following phrases, the piano alone depicts the dramatic scenery of fierce battles with fast moving chord and furious sonority, ending with a five-note motif in measure 14 mirroring the melodic line of measures 7 and 8. The six-measure interlude also functions as a tonal bridge, bringing back the opening E minor.

The vocal line returns with broken phrases, parallel to the narrations of verses four and five (mm. 5 and 6). The words 捲起千堆雪 are repeated–the first time rising and the second time falling—depicting the whirling movement. Powerfully, the opening section ends with a half-cadence in e minor, echoing the initial proclamation.

The sudden changes in tonality, dynamics, articulation, and texture marked by a double-barline between measure 22 and measure 23 must be felt and carefully delivered by the singer and the pianist alike. The poet turned from observing the scenery and reminiscing historical events to admiration of his personal hero—Zhou Yu.

Zhou was described to be statuesque and hansom in Records of the Three Kingdoms 三國志.[18] He and the beautiful younger Qiao were considered a match made in heaven. The gentle and flowing musical phrases (mm. 23-29) for verses twelve to fourteen should be presented in an intimate manner. The words 英發 (radiant appearance) were highlighted by a brief harmonic maneuver from E major to A-flat major.

In addition to being a skillful military strategist, Zhou Yu was also known for his musical gift—capable of scrutinizing musical mistakes even after three drinks.[19] Qing Zhu very likely had found a kindred spirit in him. In mm. 30 and 31, we see the easy movement of a feather fan and billowing gown; we hear the casual chattering of quick notes, which led to the climax. The pianist should provide a definitive ending—the total annihilation of the opposing force—with resounding dominant bass in m. 34 and then allowing the sound to fade.

The reflective words of the final verses are matched by the recurrence of the first phrases of the second section. This time, it softens into the minor mode. Then, the ostinato in the piano part, a mantra, brings forward the final abandonment.

—Conclusion

A century had gone by since the creation of “Da jiang dong qu.” It remains one of the most popular vocal works among musicians of Chinese descent. Hopefully, careful studies of the literary and compositional details will expand its popularity to a wider audience.


[1] Liao served as a high court judge of the Beiyang government (北京政府大理院推事) from 1922 to 1924. He then held administrative positions in military organizations, rising from the rank of lieutenant colonel to major general.
[2] Liao used the name 青主Qing Zhu for his musical compositions. A surname Li 黎 was often added for his theoretical and critical writings.
[3]Liáng Màochun 梁茂春, “中國第一首優秀藝術歌曲——青主的《大江東去》” (China’s First Excellent Art Song—Qing Zhu’s ‘Da jiang dong qu’), Music Weekly (音樂週報), January 31, 2003:

“在《大江東去》樂譜的封底附有青主寫的一篇文章——《作者的話》,文中回憶了《大江東去》的產生經過:1920年夏,青主和友人在雷鳴暴雨中划着小艇到湖中作冒險之遊,精神上受到很大振奮。當他回到住所後,’一面聽着外面風雨和松濤的聲音,一面忽得到這首樂歌的動機,思量一夜後,到了明天,吃過早餐,於是坐在鋼琴面前,把昨夜得來的動機,接着蘇東坡那篇大江東去的詞句略為修理一下,隨即把它寫出來,這就是這首樂歌的緣起。’”

[4] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beiyang_government
[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May_Fourth_Movement
[6] Although Liao claimed that he received Ph. D. in Law from Berlin University, documents showed that he completed and submitted his dissertation at Hamburg University in 1922.
https://katalogplus.sub.uni-hamburg.de/vufind/Record/351412646?rank=1. This would explain why he remained in Germany until 1922.
[7] Chinese-Poetry-X-the-Great-River-Flows-Eastwards-大江東去/goldfishodyssey.com
[8] The rhyming syllables are indicated by underlines.
[9]尊=樽
[10] 《御定詞譜》_(四庫全書本)/卷28#念奴嬌十二體/zh.wikisource.org
[11] 洪邁 Hong Mai, a scholar of Southern Song Dynasty, commented in his “notebook” that a version of the poem, hand-written by [黃]魯直 [Huang Luzhi], differed from the commonly circulated version in several phrases.  “詩詞改字“ (“Changing words in shi-ci)”, 《容齋續筆》 卷八, Part 8 of Rongzhai Xubi: “. . . ‘元不伐家有魯直所書東坡〈念奴嬌〉,與今人歌不同者數處: . . . 」,「周郎赤壁」爲「孫吳赤壁」,「亂石穿空」爲「崩雲」,「驚濤拍岸」爲「掠岸」. . .”
中國哲學書電子化計劃,《容齋續筆》, 70-71/147/ctext.org;
《容齋續筆 卷八》/四部叢刊本/zh.wikisource.org; Hong_Mai_Wiki
[12] 《詞綜‧卷六》/zh.wikisource.org
[13]Chinese-poetry-ix-ci-lyric-verses/goldfishodyssey.com; “The Great River Flows Eastwards” was a ci based on the tune Niannujia 念奴嬌.
[14] Yi Weizhai 易韋齋, “聲韻是歌之美” (Tone patterns are the beauty of songs), Yue yi 樂藝, Vol. 1, No. 1 (April 1930), 46-53.
[15] Qing Zhu, “作曲和填詞” (Composing music vs filling in lyrics), Ibid., 59:

I know well that tone pattern is an idiom that’s uniquely ours. Moreover, I have, since my youth, acquired the habit of curling up and chanting poetry. Even now, whenever I could close myself alone in a room where no one could hear me, I would, based on the fixed tone patterns, recite old-time Chinese poetry and songs. However, it would be fine if I wouldn’t think of music. . .. As soon as I think of music, I simply cannot care for preserving such idiom. Because tone pattern is a proclamation of the death sentence of music.

我很知道音韻是我國所專有的一種國粹, 而且我自小便染上了抱膝長吟的習慣, 直到今日, 遇著可以獨自一個人關起房門, 不會有別人聽見我的聲音的時候, 我有時也會把中國舊日的詩歌詞曲, 按著一定的聲韻念起來. 但是,我不想起音樂則已,我想起音樂來,我便不能夠顧全到這種國粹了,因是 聲韻是宣布音樂的死刑的一樣東西.

[16] Li Qingzhu 黎青主, Yin yue tong lun (General Survey of Music) 音樂通論, (1933, reprint, Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore, 1989), 4-5:

聲韻這樣東西, . . . 把牠用在詩的藝術上面,雖然是別有風味,但是把牠應用到音樂裏面,牠便要剝喪音樂的生命了。中國舊日的詞,首首都是可以拿來唱的。怎麼唱?就是有了一個詞牌的音樂之後,你便可以填上一些詞句,不計這些詞句是雄壯,抑或衰澀,是歡樂,抑或愁苦,你都可以依照同一樣的音樂把牠唱出來。. . . 為什麼你可以把好幾樣不同意義的詞句用同一樣的音樂唱出來?因為在包辦音樂的文人看來,音樂是應該受聲韻的支配,祇要那些詞句是和聲韻沒有違背,自可以依照同一樣受聲韻支配著的音樂把牠唱出來。你們試想,音樂受了聲韻的支配,牠那裏還能夠得到獨立的生命呢?比方你要創作一首樂歌, 當你看見那首歌文的時候, 你既然被那首歌文的聲韻限死, 那末, 你那裏還能夠作曲? 你就勉強作出一篇樂歌來, 你這種工作, 亦祇可以說是填曲, 決不可以說是作曲.

[17] Qing Zhu, “作曲和填詞” (Composing music vs filling in lyrics), 59-68.
[18] 《三國志》, 卷54: 「瑜長壯有姿貌。」
[19] 瑜少精意於音樂。雖三爵之後,其有闕誤。瑜必知之,知之必顧,故時人謠曰:「曲有誤,周郎顧。」

Musical Settings (I): Introduction

This entry is part 23 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

The earliest known composition in the style of Western art song was “Da Jiang Dong Qu 大江東去” (“The Great River Flows Eastwards”) by Qing Zhǔ 青主, published in 1920. Hundreds of works by other composers would appear in the following decades. It is impossible to understand the essences of these works without exploring the development of Western music education in China at the turn of the twentieth century.

__School Songs

As early as the beginning of the seventeenth century, Western European music and instruments were introduced to the imperial courts of China by the Jesuits. Great efforts were made by the missionaries to integrate Chinese and Western music making.[1] Nonetheless, either as court entertainments—more as curiosities than art, or as religious service music, their contributions reached only a very small audience.

Kang Youwei 康有為, the mastermind of the Hundred Day’s Reform, proposed to Emperor Guangxu 光緒to establish educational institutions modeled after European and Japanese systems in May of 1898. Music and singing were to be part of the curriculum. After the collapse of the reform movement, Kang and his fellow reformer Liang Qichao 梁啟超 fled to Japan and continued to advocate for their causes

Liang believed that school songs in Western style played a crucial role in the rapid economic and cultural developments in Japan after the Meiji Restoration. Music Education became a frequent subject in New Citizen 新民叢報, a biweekly journal founded by Liang in 1902. He famously said, “. . .Therefore, if [we] wish to transform the characters of [our] citizens, poetry, songs, and music should be one of the crucial components of moral education. Anyone with some senses should be able to appreciate this.”[2]

Under Liang’s influence, a group of reform-minded students, led by Shen Xingong 沈心工,[3] organized a music forum “音樂講習會” in Tokyo in 1903.[4] They invited Japanese musician Suzuki Yonejiro 鈴木米次郎to instruct them[5]; strategized music education in China; and began creating “school songs.”

Zhen Zhimin 曾志忞, an active member of the forum, published “Summary of Music Theory 樂理大意,” and “Singing and Its Teaching Methods 唱歌及教授法” in Jiangsu 江蘇 magazine. [6] He also presented six songs using both staff notation and numbered musical notation—a simplified notation which became popular in China and many other regions of Asia.[7]

Most of the school songs were based on existing tunes of Western or Japanese origins. In vernacular Chinese, the lyrics were mostly meant for moral building. Shen Xingong’s first work “Gymnastics/Military Exercises 體操/軍操,” known nowadays by its initial line “Nan-r Di Yi Zhi Qi Gao 男兒第一志氣高” (“Young men, foremost, must have high aspirations”), was based on the tune “Hand Battle” by Suzuki Yonejiro.

The most popular school song “Farewell 送別” by Li Shutong 李叔同 was a rework of “Dreaming of Home and Mother” by Bostonian composer and music publisher John Pond Ordway. Touched by this Civil War era song, fitted with Japanese texts, Li translated the Japanese lyrics into Chinese. Later, he created new Chinese verses in commemoration of the departure of his friend Xu Huanyuan 許幻園.[8]

Many of these early school songs remain parts of music curriculum in China and Taiwan. The majority of public are not aware of their Western and/or Japanese origins. Their vernacular texts helped promoting social causes and shaping characters of generations of young students.

Shen Xingong returned to China in 1903 and began developing music educational programs. In the following year, Zhen Zhimin formalized the ‘music forum” into “Yàyǎ Music Association 亞雅音樂會,” publishing essays and songs, offering music instructions and organizing performances. As soon as he returned to China in 1906, Zhen took on the tasks of establishing summer camps and music schools. Both men were instrumental in introducing Western music to China in the early twentieth century. Nonetheless, neither had comprehensive training. Their knowledge and skills came indirectly from Japanese sources.

__Influences from Germany and America

In the following decades, sponsored by various governmental programs, increasing number of students pursued higher education in Germany and the United States. Some of them studied music under the tutelage of Western masters and became the driving force behind the creation and development of Chinese art songs.

Xiao Youmei 蕭友梅 (1884-1940) was born into a literary family and received modern education in his youth. He first studied in Japan from 1901 to 1909, majoring in education with electives in piano and voice. Influenced by Sun Yat-sen, a family friend, he joined Tongmenghui 同盟會 in 1906, supporting revolutionary movement. He became Sun’s right-hand man after the establishment of the new Republic in 1911.

When warlord Yuan Shikai took control of the government in 1912, Xiao left for Germany. Sponsored by Sun and Cai Yuanpei 蔡元培, he studied music at Universität Leipzig and Königliches Konservatorium der Musik zu Leipzig. Among his mentors was Hugo Riemann, one of the leading figures in music theory and musicology at the time. He completed his Ph.D. in music in 1919 and continued his research in Berlin.

Throughout the 1920s, Xiao devoted his time and energy in establishing higher music education institutions in China. His efforts were hindered by bureaucracy repeatedly. Eventually, with the support of Cai Yuanpei, Xiao founded the National College of Music in Shanghai on November 27, 1927. After being renamed and reorganized multiple times, it became the Shanghai Conservatory of Music, one of the most sought-after performing-arts institute in China, in 1956.

Xiao’s First Collection of Modern Music 今樂初集 (1922) and First Collection of New Songs 新歌初集 (1923), were the earliest collective musical works by an individual composer in China. As an educator, he inspired a generation of musicians, most notably Lin Shengxi 林聲翕, one of the leading song composers.

Qing Zhǔ (1893-1959), birth-name Liao Shang-guo 廖尚果, went to Germany in 1912 after graduating from the affiliated middle school of Whampoa (Huangpu) Military Academy 黃埔陸軍小學堂. While studying law at Freie Universität Berlin, he also delved into music theory and composition. He learned to play the piano, violin, and flute. In 1920, the year that he received his Doctorate in law, he set the epic poem “The Great River Flows Eastwards” by Su Shi to music.[9]

Liao took on several administrative and military positions after returning to China. In 1927, he engaged in the failed communist uprising in Guangzhou. Wanted by the Nationalist government, he escaped to Shanghai; changed his name; and began focusing on musical works. He opened a music publishing house in 1928 and edited several musical journals.[10] His composition and essays of this period contributed greatly to the appreciation of Western music in China. Unfortunately, in the last decades of his life, Liao became less involved in musical activities.

As a recipient of the Boxer Indemnity Scholarship, Liao’s contemporary Zhao Yuanren 趙元任 (1892-1982) attended Cornell University from 1910 to 1914, studying mathematics and physics. He then earned a Ph.D. in philosophy from Harvard University in 1918. A person of wide range of interests, Zhao developed his musical knowledge and skills while abroad. Fluent in German and French, he fully appreciated the intricacies of Lieder and melodies. An advocate of vernacular literature and the standardized national language, Zhao set several modern poems to music.

In the introduction of his New Poetry Songbook 新詩歌集 of 1928, Zhao not only explained the differences between Chinese and Western musical traditions but also pointed out the “insufficiencies” of Chinese music. He proposed combining the linguistic characters of Chinese language with harmonic components of the Western practice to create a modern Chinese sound. He maintained the same persuasions in the reprint of the collection thirty years later.

Huang Tzu 黃自 (1904-1938) developed interest in music in his youth. He was introduced to Western music at Tsinghua College (today’s Tsinghua University). In 1924, as a Boxer Indemnity student, he studied psychology at the Oberlin College and began formal musical training at the affiliated conservatory. He then went to Yale University in 1928 to study music theory and composition.

While in Yale, Huang wrote the symphonic overture In Memoriam (1929) to commemorate the one-year anniversary of the death of his first love Hu Yongfu 胡永馥. It was the first large scale orchestra work by a Chinese composer.[11] The work was performed by Yale student orchestra and New Haven Symphony orchestra on May 31, 1929, conducted by David Stanley Smith, Huang’s mentor.

Huang returned to China after graduation and taught at the National College of Music. He founded the Shanghai Orchestra, the first all-Chinese orchestra, in 1935. In addition to art songs based on both traditional and new poems, Huang also wrote a cantata Chang Hen Ge 長恨歌 (“The Song of Everlasting Regret”), set to the long poem by Bai Juyi 白居易 (772-846) of the Tang Dynasty. His compositional career was cut short by his untimely death of typhoid fever in 1938. His guidance, however, was behind the song compositions of He Luting 賀綠汀, Liu Xue’an 劉雪庵, Jiang Dingxian 江定仙, Chen Tianhe 陳田鶴, and Lin Shengxi 林聲翕.

__Finding the Chinese Sounds

The birth of Chinese art songs took place at the height of the new cultural movement. An entire generation of students, hungry for information and knowledge of the Western world, thrust forward by denying the value of thousands of years of tradition. Among the song composers, Qing Zhu was the strongest proponent of abandoning traditional music. Believing that “music was without boarder,” he suggested that “if a Chinese person could write pleasant so-called Western music, then, that would be [our] national music.”[12] Zhao Yuanren, while supporting the idea of Western music equaled world music, could not ignore the linguistic differences between Western and Chinese languages. He admitted the gradual returning to traditional sounds in his later works.

Early in the twentieth century, Western composers already began to walk away from traditions. In the 1920s, expressionistic composers, Arnold Schoenberg (1874-1951), Anton Webern (1883-1945) and Alban Berg (1885-1935), pushed the movement to a new height with the application of serial twelve-tone. Stravinsky, with The Rite of Spring (1913) in the rear mirror, had turned into neoclassicism.

The first generation of Chinese art song composers, living and studying in Germany and the U.S., must have been familiar with the creations of the modern composers. Yet, they brought the traditional tonal sound and the classic structure back to Chinese. Huang Tsu believed that “[new] Chinese music” just took its first steps. Jumping into modern music, would have made the students, scholars and music lover feeling disoriented.[13]

__Wars and Political Divide

After the end of the Qing Dynasty, Yuan Shikai became the first President of the Republic in 1912 and then declared himself Emperor of China on December 12, 1915. In less than six months, he died of uremia. The nation fell into the hands of warlords. Continuous civil wars ensued. Although the Nationalist party, led by Chiang Kai-Shek, was able to establish a centralized government in Nanjing in 1928, the lingering power of regional cliques as well as the increasing conflicts between the Nationalist and the Communist destabilized the nation.

Since the late Qing Dynasty, Japan, with its newly found military power, had been a threat to Northeastern China. In 1931, after the Mukden Incident,[14] Japan invaded Manchuria and established a puppet state, the Manchukuo. On July 7, 1937, after the Lugou (Marco Polo) Bridge Incident,[15] a full-blown war broke out between the Republic of China and the Empire of Japan. Unified behind the common enemy, passions were extremely high among all people, especially the younger generation.

Songs of this period were mostly patriotic in nature, with newly written vernacular lyrics. Poets and musicians, displaced by war, often delivered their nostalgic sentiment through new compositions. Intended to be sung by the general public, these songs were often tuneful but uncomplicated.

The victory in the Sino-Japanese War, which eventually became part of the Second World War, did not bring peace and stability to the nation. Instead, conflicts between the Nationalists and the Communists escalated. The latter took control of the mainland as the former retreated to the island of Taiwan. For over three decades, the political divide created a cultural chasm.

Left-leaning composers such as Xian Xinghai 冼星海 and He Luting were blacklisted in Taiwan. Their works banned. During the Cultural Revolution, Xiao Youmei, Huang Tzu and Huang’s student Liu Shue’an were heavily criticized for their westernized thinking and their associations with the Nationalists. Their works condemned.

China began opening its door in the 1980. Martial law was lifted in Taiwan in 1987. The birth of Internet also helped to link the artistic minds on the two sides of the Taiwanese Straight. The cultural reconnections are an ongoing project.

The creativities of Chinese composers never ceased. Works by later composers, better trained and equipped than their predecessors, are more sophisticated. Songs of noticeable composers often were orchestrated for large-scale performances. Yet, lacking the momentum of an entire movement such as the May Fourth behind them, their efforts seemed sporadic and less significant.

The task of searching for a modern “Chinese” sound goes on.


[1] Joyce. Lindorff, “Missionaries, Keyboards and Musical Exchange in the Ming and Qing Courts.” Early Music 32, no. 3 (2004): 403–14. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3519339,
Jean_Joseph_Marie_Amiot_Wiki,
Conversations about Jean Joseph Marie Amiot, Divertissements chinois 1_YouTube.com,
Conversations about Jean Joseph Marie Amiot, Divertissements chinois 2, YouTube.com.
[2]《飲冰室詩話》: 「蓋欲改造國民之品質,則詩歌音樂為精神教育之一要件,此稍有識者所能知也。」
[3] 沈心工_Wiki
[4] Other active members of the forum included: Zhen Zhimin 曾志忞, Xin Han 辛漢, Li Shutong 李叔同.
[5] “Yonejiro Suzuki’s Influence on Music Education of Chinese Students,” Gao Jing 高婙, Keiko University 2005
[6] 曾志忞_Wiki
[7] Numbered_musical_notation_Wiki
[8] Hong_Yi_Wiki. Songbie_Wiki, Farewell_Wiltener Sängerknaben_Wiki
[9]A manuscript of the work is preserved at Shanghai Conservatory today.
[10]Invited by Xiao Youmei, Liao edited school journals of the National Music College: 《音》 (Sound, 1928- , monthly) and 《樂藝》 (Musical Arts, 1930- , quarterly).
[11]A manuscript of In Memoriam is preserved at Shanghai Conservatory today.
[12] “中國人如果會做出 很好聽的所謂西樂, 那麼,這就是國樂.” 《我亦來談談所謂國樂的問題》(“Let Me Also Talk about the Issues of So-Called National Music’), 《音》, 17, September 1930.
[13] 黃自認為中國音樂仍處於學步階段,若立刻飛躍到新音樂,必然導致學生、學者、欣賞者的「迷失」。
[14]Commonly known as the September-18 Incident. Japanese_invasion_of_Manchuria_Wiki
[15]Marco_Polo_Bridge_Incident_Wiki