Chinese Poetry (XV): Revolutions

This entry is part 20 of 36 in the series Chinese Art Song

__Advancement of Western Knowledge 西學東漸

Foreign cultures had been introduced to China through trade and official contacts since ancient times. Exotic ideas and objects had been absorbed and blended in with Chinese traditions. But this continuous and gradual process changed when, in the 16th century, Jesuit brothers, as part of their missionary work, made organized and persistent efforts in introducing Western culture to China.

Founded by Ignazio di Loyola and his companions in 1534, Societas Iesu was approved by Pope Paul III in 1540. With education being part of their mission, most members of the order were erudite scholars. As early as the 1550s, they began their mission in China, bringing with them the humanism, science, and culture of the European Renaissance. With their knowledge and skills, many Jesuits became influential in the imperial courts throughout the late Ming Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty.

Matteo Ricci 利瑪竇 (1552-1610) arrived in Macau in 1582.[1] He studied Classical Chinese and became familiar with Chinese literature and philosophy, especially Confucianism. He channeled The Four Books and The Five Classics in indoctrination of Christianity. He translated The True Record of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄), written by his confrere Michele Ruggiero 羅明堅, from Latin to Chinese.

In early 1601, Ricci became the first Westerner to enter the Forbidden City. With his knowledge in mathematics, science, and astronomy, he won the trust of the Wanli Emperor 萬曆帝/明神宗. Collaborating with court official Li Zhizao 李之藻, Ricci produced the first world map in Chinese showing the Americas in 1602.[2] He translated Euclid’s Elements, printed in 1607, with the help of Xu Guangqi 徐光啟.[3]

After the Manchu forces took over China in 1644, political instability hindered the work of the Jesuits for several decades. During the reign of the Kangxi 康熙 Emperor from 1661 to 1722, Jesuit priests regained their prominence in the imperial court. Ferdinand Verbiest (aka Nan Huairen 南懷仁 1623-1688), having succeeded in an astronomy contest, was appointed the head of the Imperial Astronomy Institute (欽天監監副) and became a confidant of the emperor. In addition to tutoring the emperor in mathematics, Verbiest and his colleagues Thomas Pereira and Karel Slavíček also introduced Western musical instruments such as the harpsichord and spinet to the court. Together they paved the way for the revival of the Jesuit mission in China.

In 1715, to satisfied Kangxi’s curiosity in the Western painting technique of linear perspective, a lay brother Giuseppe Castiglione 郞世寧 (1688-1766) was dispatched by the order. As an artisan at the imperial court, Castiglione served three emperors—Kangxi, Yongzheng 雍正 (reigned 1722-1736) and Qianlong 乾隆 (reigned 1736-1795)—during the most prosperous period of the Qing Dynasty. While Yongzheng prohibited foreign missionaries and expelled all foreign priests from China, Castiglione was permitted to stay and was given preferential treatments. He contributed to the design and construction of Yuanming Yuan 圓明園, the imperial garden and summer palace.[4]

Most of the cultural works of the Jesuits were within the confines of the imperial courts and, hence, well documented. Several treatises translated by the Jesuits were included in the Siku Quanshu[5]. Artifacts transported or created by these priests have been preserved in libraries and museums. By changing the minds of the rulers, they impacted the developments of the entire nation.

__Imperialistic Aggression

For thousands of years, the ideology of China as the center of the world prevailed. Emperors of China considered themselves to be the ruler of the entire world. Elites took pride in the superiority of Chinese culture. This world view began to crumble in the 19th century.

After the industrial revolution, European colonial powers expanded rapidly. China, with its vast territory and large population, was an ideal market for industrial outputs. The Qing Dynasty, holding on to the Sinocentric view, refused to recognize the sovereignty of other countries and maintained a closed-door policy on trade. While, domestically, the corrupt administration, rebellions and famine weakened the strength of the Qing court.

Throughout the 18th century, Great Britain imported large quantities of tea, silk, and porcelain from China, resulting in large trade imbalances. To reduce the deficits, the British East India Company and individual merchants began smuggling opium into China. As opium addiction caused increasing social and economic deteriorations, the Daoguang Emperor 道光皇帝 decreed a complete ban on opium trade in 1839. Imperial Commissioner Lin Zexu 林則徐took extreme measures, confiscating and destroying opium supplies. These actions eventually led to the First Opium War (1839-1842). Defeated, the Qing court was forced to sign the Treaty of Nanjing, conceding to Great Britain’s trading and international demands. New Imperialist powers thus gained a foothold into the Chinese market.[6]

Conflicts between the Qing Dynasty and industrial nations continued to escalate and resulted in a series of wars throughout the second half of the 19th century: The Second Opium War (1856-1860), Sino-French War (1883-1885), The First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895), and Battle of Peking (Eight-Nation Alliance, 1900).[7] Each confrontation further exposed the weakness of the Chinese military and fractured the sovereignty of the Qing Dynasty.

__Reform and Revolution

After the First Opium War, fearing the threat from Western powers, voices of reform grew among the elites and court officials. Lin Zexu, having negotiated with foreign officials, understood the superiority of Western military. He advocated acquiring scientific knowledge and technology from the West. Based on Lin’s Geography of Four Continents 四洲志, his friend Wei Yuan 魏源 completed the Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms 海國圖志 (1843). In addition to maps, Wei discussed Western maritime technology and weapons production. In the preface, Wei declared the purpose of the work to be “mastering the skills of barbarians in order to restrain them” 師夷長技以制夷.[8]

This idea became the principle of the Self-strengthening Movement (Yangwu yundong 洋務運動), a reform movement instigated by court officials after the Second Opium War.[9] From 1861 to 1895, efforts were made in various areas: 1) Fortification of military power by importing Western weaponry and technology; 2) rectification of trade relations with Western nations; 3) translations of Western books—mostly in science, and technology; 4) establishment of schools in foreign languages, military, and technology. Nonetheless, ideologically, the reformers asserted the essence of Confucianism with the slogan: “[Using] Chinese learning as [constitutional] foundation; Western learning for functional application.” 中學為體 西學為用. Disorganization, lack of funding, and opposition from conservatives invariably undermined the implication of the reform policies. Ultimately, the First Sino-Japanese War led to the end of the Self-strengthening Movement.

In the eyes of Chinese rulers, Japan was, for centuries, a subordinate neighbor. Beginning in 1868, under Emperor Meiji 明治天皇, Japan went through constitutional, social, and military reform, following Western models.[10] Within a few decades, it became a rising power in the East, contending with Western nations. On the one hand, the First Sino-Japanese war substantiated the effectiveness of the Meiji Restoration, on the other hand, it exposed the weakness of Chinese sovereignty.

Determined to reinvigorate the nation, in June of 1898, Guangxu Emperor 光緒帝 ordered a series of reforms. Strategized by Kang Youwei 康有為 and Liang Qichao 梁啟超, these policies included fundamental changes in political structure, economy, education, and infrastructure. Unfortunately, this attempt to modernize China only lasted for one hundred and three days and ended with the emperor under house arrest. The leading figures of the “Hundred Days’ Reform” fled to Japan.[11]

During the final decade of the 19th century, uprisings of the Boxer militia and foreign aggression continued to enfeeble the Qing Dynasty. Thinkers and reformers such as Dr. Sun Yat-sen began to instigate revolutionary movements and organize underground groups. After multiple failed attempts, the revolutionary force captured the city of Wuchang on October 10, 1911.[12] This marked the end of the Qing Dynasty.

__Literary Reforms

The challenge of establishing a democratic system after thousands of years of monarchical rules was monumental. For nearly two decades, China fell into the hands of warlords. The work of cultural reform was no less daunting. As Low Kwang-Lai wrote in “Nationalism and the Vernacular in China,” The North American Review (1926):[13]

The transformation of the Chinese Monarchy into the Chinese Republic is an event politically significant, the change from the classical Chinese language into the vernacular, the language as it is spoken today by the people, is nothing short of an intellectual and spiritual revolution, which arouses the creative energy of the Chinese people and awakens the dormant national consciousness of the four hundred millions.

In 1915, Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀 founded a monthly periodical La Jeunesse (新青年, New Youth) in Shanghai, promoting science, education, social and political reforms.[14] In its eleven years history, La Jeunesse provided a platform for progressive thinkers such as Hu Shih 胡適, Lu Xun 魯迅, Liu Bannong 劉半農 and Mao Zedong and became the leading publication for the “New Culture Movement.”[15]

In January 1917, an essay entitled “A Preliminary Discussion of Literature Reform” 文學改良芻議 by Hu Shih appeared in New Youth. Hu, at the time a graduate student at Columbia University, suggested that literature reform must start with eight principles: (1) Write with substance. (2) Do not imitate the ancients. (3) Emphasize grammar. (4) Reject melancholy. (5) Eliminate old clichés. (6) Do not use allusions. (7) Do not use couplets and parallelisms. (8) Do not avoid popular expressions or popular forms of characters.[16]

Colloquial language had been used in many great literary works since the Yuan Dynasty.[17] In 1890s, Liang Qichao utilized a new writing style 新文體, combining Classical Chinese, popular expressions, and, occasionally, foreign words, in his newspaper articles.[18] Hu pushed the boundary further. He advocated for integrating speaking and written language 文言合一. Using linguistic evolution in European counties as examples, equating Latin to Classical Chinese, Hu explained linguist and historical developments were inseparable. He was certain that, based on the contemporary history, “plain-language” literature would be the bona fide Chinese literature, and would be instrumental in its future development.[19]

Chen Duxiu followed up in the February issue with “On the Theory of Literary Revolution,” proclaiming the need to overturn the traditions and begin with a new literature for the people. While Hu focused on the literary developments, Chen was linking literary reform to social revolution.

In “On the Historic-evolutionary Concept of Literature” (May 1917) and “On Constructive Revolution in Chinese Literature” (April 1918), Hu explicated further the reason to “modernize” the language.[20] Starting in May of 1918, all articles in New Youth were written in “plain-language.”

In January 1920, the newly formed Ministry of Education issued a directive requiring all primary school textbooks to be written in the vernacular. In March, the policy expanded to middle school books. By 1921 the vernacular was officially recognized as the “national language.”

“Little Rain Drop” 小雨點, a short story by Chen Hengzhe 陳衡哲—one of the first female scholars to study overseas, was published in New Youth in 1917. Prior to “Rain Drop,” Chen’s work “One Day” appeared in Chinese Student Quarterly, making her the first writer to create in the plain language 白話文.[21] “A Madman’s Diary” 狂人日記, a more widely known work by Lu Xun, was published in the following year. Also published as fictions were Liu Bannong’s translation of four prose poems by Turgenev (World of Chinese Fiction 中華小說界, 1915).

Soon, Liu and his colleagues began to write their own prose poems—sanwen shi 散文詩. Individual poems by various writers were printed in New Youth. Hu Shih published his collection A Book of Experiments 嘗試集in 1920. Lu Xun’s collection Wild Grass 野草 of 1927 was often regarded as the pinnacle of early modern Chinese poetry.

__Nationalism[22] and Communism

Northeastern China, because of its proximity to Russia, Korea, and Japan, had been the subject of international disputes during the imperialistic expansion. In 1898, after the murder of two German priests, the Qing Dynasty signed a treaty granting a lease of Jiaozhou Bay 膠州灣, an ice-free port in Qingdao 青島, Shandong 山東, to the German Reich for 99 years. Under the treaty, known as the “Kiaotschou Bay concession,” Jiaozhou became a base for the German Navy. The treaty also gave German coal mining and railroad construction rights, making it a commercial hub for the Reich in East Asia.[23]

Soon after the First World War broke out, the Imperial Japanese Navy, with the British alliance, besieged and defeated the Germans in Qingdao (Tsingtao). The Anglo-Japanese Allies took control of the colony on November 16 of 1914.[24] As the war ended, the Republic of China government—a member of the victorious allies, was hoping to regain the sovereignty of the area. However, due to secrete agreements that Japan had made with Britain, France, and Italy in 1917, as well as the Sino-Japanese Joint Defense Agreement (May 1918), the Western countries decided to transfer the German-leased territory to Japan.[25]

On May 4, 1919, patriotic students from thirteen universities gathered and protested in Beijing. With the slogan “struggle for the sovereignty externally, get rid of the national traitors at home,” they demanded the cancellation of “Twenty-One Demands”—another secret agreement with the Japanese government, and the return of Shandong to China. Their calls for organized strikes and boycott of Japanese goods led to demonstrations across the country. By June, several high-ranking government officials resigned, and the Chinese delegation refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles.

The May Fourth Movement was more than an anti-imperialism and anti-corruption movement. It was a wake-up call for the entire nation for a true reformation. It hoped not only to reclaim China’s sovereignty globally, but also to redefine the national spirit.

The students advocated for the abandonment of traditions, especially Confucianism. They called for total Westernization, an idea supported by Hu Shih and Chen Xujing 陳序經. They called for individualism. They called for freedom of thought and expression. They called for social equality.

Chen Duxiu, a promoter of human rights, was also a believer in socialism. After the Russian Revolution in 1917, New Youth gradually became a platform for Marxism. In September of 1919, the magazine officially became a propaganda publication of the Communist Party. Hu Shih’s unavailing attempts to separate the magazine from politics led to his departure in 1921.[26]

The split within these reformers reflected the political and cultural divisions of China which still exist today. A century later, the struggle to find a perfect balance between tradition and Western culture remains an arduous task.


[1] It became a tradition for Jesuits in China to adopt a Chinese name.
[2] umedia.lib.umn.edu_Ricci’s_Map
[3] Xu converted to Catholicism in 1603. He was recognized as one of the “Three Pillars of Chinese Catholicism.”
[4] Old_Summer_Palace_Wiki
The palace and garden were looted and burned by British and French forces during the Second Opium War.
[5] There are 27 translated works by Westerners in Siku Quanshu. Their subjects range from mathematics, astronomy, engineering, and machinery.
[6] First_Opium_War_Wiki
[7] Second_Opium_War_Wiki,
Sino-French_War_Wiki,
First_Sino-Japanese_War_Wiki,
Battle_of_Peking_(1900)_Wiki
[8] Illustrated_Treatise_on_the_Maritime_Kingdoms_Wiki,
海國圖志: 是書何以作?曰:為以夷攻夷而作,為以夷款夷而作,為師夷長技以制夷而作。 “Why was this book written? Respond: For [the idea of] using [technology] of barbarians to attack them; for using [principles] of barbarians to negotiate with them; for mastering the skills of barbarians in order to restrain them.” 海國圖志_zh.wikisource
[9] In early 1861, with the approval of Xianfeng Emperor, Prince Gong, Yixin 恭親王奕昕, along with court officials Wenxiang 文祥 and Shen Guifen 沈桂芬 to lead the reform movement. Other prominent figures of the movement included Zeng Guofan 曾國藩, Li Hongzhang 李鴻章, and Zuo Zongtang 左宗棠.
[10] Meiji_Restoration_Wiki
[11] Hundred_Days_Reform_Wiki
[12] 1911_Revolution#Wuchang_Uprising_Wiki
[13] Low Kwang-Lai (1896-?), “Nationalism and the Vernacular in China,” The North American Review, 223, no. 831 (1926 June – August), 311-322. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25110232
[14] The original Chinese title was 青年雜誌 (Youth Magazine), renamed 新青年(New Youth) in 1916.
[15] Lu_Xun_Wiki,
Liu_Bannong_Wiki,
New_Culture_Movement_Wiki
[16] One of the recipients of the Boxer Indemnity Scholarship, Hu Shih completed his undergraduate study at Cornell University. He then pursued graduate studies at Teachers College, Columbia University (1915-1917). A disciple of John Dewey, Hu became an advocator of pragmatism. Hu_Shih_Wiki
Boxer_Indemnity_Scholarship_Wiki
Hu-Shih-and-Chinese-Language-Reform_chinaheritage.net
Although Hu did not expound on the grammatical issue in this essay, he later traced the evolution of Classical Chinese and compared the grammatical differences between the Classical and the modern usages in “General Discussions on the Grammar of National Language,” New Youth, 9, nos. 3 and 4(July and August 1921). 國語文法概論_zh.m.wikisource
[17] A proponent of vernacular literature, Hu was a leading scholar in the classical novels, especially Dream of the Red Chamber. He also studied Buddhist scripts and yuefu poetry—ancient sources in colloquial style.
[18] Liang_Qichao_Wiki. Liang’s writing style was also called “Xinmin style” (New Citizen style), based on the name of his biweekly New Citizen (Xinmin Congbao 新民叢報.)
[19] 文學改良芻議_zh.wikisource
[20] In the latter, Hu commented that writers should: “1. Speak only when you have something to say. 2. Speak what you want to say and say it in the way you want to say it. 3. Speak what is your own and not that of someone else. 4. Speak in the language of the time in which you live.”
[21] Chen_Hengzhe_Wiki. An English translation of “One Day” is included in A. D. Dooling and K. M. Torgeson, eds, Writing Women in Modern China: An Anthology of Women’s Literature from the Early Twentieth Century, Columbia University Press, 1998, 91-99.
[22] Here the term is referring to patriotic ideology and its development, and not the political ideas of the Nationalist party.
[23] Jiaozhou is also known as Kiaochow or Kiaochau in English. Jiaozhou_Bay_Wiki, Kiautschou_Bay_Leased_Territory_Wiki
[24] Siege_of_Tsingtao_Wiki
[25]Sino-Japanese_Joint_Defence[sic]_Agreement_Wiki, Paris_Peace_Conference_#Territorial_claims_Wiki
[26]Chen, a founding member of the Chinese Communist Part, was ousted in 1929 from CCP due to his opposition to the influence of Communist International (Comintern). Ideologically, he began leaning toward Trotskyism. From 1932 t0 1937, Chen was imprisoned by the Nationalist government. As Mao Zedong and other pro-Comintern members of CCP survived the Nationalist purge. Chen’s voice was silent during his final years until his death in 1942. Hu Shih served as the ambassador of the Republic of China to the USA between 1938 and 1942 during the WWII. He was the chancellor of Peking University from 1946 to 1948 and was appointed the President of the academic research institute Academia Sinica in Taipei in 1957. He stood by his beliefs in individualism and democracy. He became the publisher of Free China Journal, a bi-weekly founded by Lei Chen 雷震, in 1949. The magazine was shut down in 1960 for criticism of the government. Hu died in 1962 in Taipei.

Chinese Poetry (XIII): Turning Point

This entry is part 18 of 36 in the series Chinese Art Song

The integration of music and lyrics continued to develop throughout the Song Dynasty. In the Southern Song, a new type of lyrics qu 曲, gained popularity. It reached its height in the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368). Hence the name Yuanqu 元曲.

Like ci, based on tune patterns, the lengths of qu verses vary. While the vocabulary in ci is refined and elegant, vernacular expressions are common in qu. In qu, to enhance the expressions and for bettering transitions between verses, auxiliary words can be added to the verses.

Individual lyrics or suits of songs are categorized as sanqu 散曲. They are recited or sung without dramatic actions. Large scales of qu accompanied by dance and drama become zaju 雜劇, namely “mixed drama.”

The most significant difference between Song ci and Yuan qu is found in their linguistic characteristics. The rhyme schemes of ci drew upon the phonology of the late Middle Chinese; those of the qu were based on the “Northern sounds,” the Early Mandarin.

In 1324 sanqu author Zhou Deqing (周德清) compiled a rhyme book Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻. Eventually published in 1341, the book was created to reflect the phonological elements of qu—in a strict sense, those of the northern qu. In his annotations, Zhou criticized the people who rejected the current linguistic developments and held on to the prescriptions of the old practice. According to him, Zhongyuan yin (中原音—sounds of the Central Plain) should be the proper tongue.[1] Even though Zhou described it as the language of political arguments, commerce, education, and legislation for the nation, Zhongyuan yin was a northern dialect used in Dadu 大都, the “Grand Capital” of the Yuan Dynasty and today’s Beijing city.[2]

As the Middle Chinese evolved throughout the centuries, it branched into several regional variants. While there were many variants in the mountainous southern regions, Jin 晉and Mandarin were the only two dialects spoken in the north.[3] Shen Zhongwei 沈鍾偉traced the characteristic development of Mandarin back to Liao (907-1125), a Khitan state and Jin (1115-1234), a Jurchen state during the Song Dynasty.[4] Such influences from non-Han cultures continued as the Mongols ruled China proper during the Yuan Dynasty.[5]

Phonological developments of languages are constant and continuous. Qieyun 切韻, with 12,158 entries of characters in 193 rhyme groups, had been the guide of standard practice since the sixth century. In 1008, Emperor Zhenzong of the Song Dynasty commissioned a new rhyme book Guanyun 廣韻. Despite its expanded entries of 26,194 characters and 206 final rhymes, Guanyun remained close to the tonal organization of Qieyun.[6] A few decades later, in the Daoist treaties Hungji jingshi shu 皇極經世書 (“Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles”), numerologist and ontologist Shao Yong邵雍 (1012-1077) devised a phonological table Shengyin Changhe Tu 聲音唱和圖, in which he categorized/numbered phonemes—initials (sheng) and finals (yin).[7]

Instead of following the sounds of literary tradition, Shao Yong’s phonological analysis reflected the sounds of the northern dialect, practiced in the Central Plain.[8] There were several noticeable developments from the Late Middle Chinese:

Voiced consonants becoming voiceless
Ping (level) tone 平聲 splitting into yin (feminine/dark) and yang (masculine/bright)[9]
Disappearances of final endings in /p/, /t/ and /k/ as well as glottal stops—all characteristics of (“entering” or “checked”) tone 入聲[10]

These changes had solidified by the Yuan Dynasty and shaped the characteristics of the Early Mandarin.[11] This branch of the Chinese phonological system, because of its usage in a vast geographical area, gradually became the standard of the spoken Chinese. Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻 has become one of the most reliable phonological sources on Modern Chinese.

The dominance of poetry, either in shi or ci style, waned after the Song Dynasty. On the practical side, the elimination of poetry from the imperial exam was a major factor of this phenomenon.[12] The rise of vernacular languages also contributed greatly to the decline of poetic writing, often restricted by rules. Free from formative restrictions, long-form literature blossomed. The popularity of qu, especially its long form zaju led to major developments in Chinese theatrical literature. Novels, represented by the “Four Classic” Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義, Journey to the West 西遊記, Water Margin 水滸傳, and Dream of the Red Chamber 紅樓夢, became the predominant literary genre during the Ming and the Qing dynasties.[13]

Both the phonological changes and the colloquialization of literature in the 13th– and the 14th-centuries would have strong impact on the next wave of changes taking place at the turn of the 20th century.


[1] 周德清, 《中原音韻》, 〈正語作詞起例〉: 余嘗於天下都會之所,聞人間通濟之言:「世之泥古非今、不達時變者眾;呼吸之間,動引《廣韻》為證,寧甘受鴂舌之誚而不悔。亦不思混一日久,四海同音,上自縉紳講論治道,及國語翻譯,國學教授言語,下至訟庭理民,莫非中原之音。……與堅守《廣韻》方語之徒,轉其喉舌,換其齒牙,使執而不變、迂闊庸腐之儒皆為通儒,道聽塗說、輕浮市廛之子悉為才子矣。」
[2] Compilers and editors of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書 placed Zhongyuan Yinyun in the 集 (“Collections”) category. They also commented on Zhou Deqing’s linguistic views:
“. . . Since Yuefu were based on northern tunes, it should naturally be sung in northern sounds. This catalogue by Dequing, therefore, was based on the inherent characters of [qu.] For this reason, it was appropriately applied in Northern qu until now. To attack ancient sounds based on [the northern sounds] seemed limited by a single opinion, overly obstinate. Each language belongs to its region. It evolves over time. [Just as] literary work has its style. . ..”
“. . . 樂府既為北調, 自應歌以北音. 德清此譜, 蓋亦因其自然之節所以作. 北曲者沿用至今, 言各有當, 此之謂也. 至於因而掊擊古音, 則拘於一偏, 主持太過. 夫語言各有方域, 時代遞有變遷, 文章亦各有體裁. . ..”
[3] Xiang 湘and Gan 贛 are used in the middle/lower middle Yangtze regions. Wu 吳 is spoken in the lower Yangtze region. (Shanghainese is one of many dialects in this group.) Min 閩 is spoken in the southeastern coast, including today’s Fujian Province and Taiwan; Yue 粵, Cantonese, spoken in Canton Province and Hongkong; Hakka 客家, spoken wherever Hakka people reside—in Canton, Taiwan, East Asia and South Asia. All these dialects are still in used today.
[4] Shen, Zhongwei, and 沈鍾偉. “THE ORIGIN OF MANDARIN / 官話的起源.” Journal of Chinese Linguistics 39, no. 1 (2011): 1–31. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23754434.
[5] Yuan_dynasty_Wiki
[6] The full name of Guanyun was 《大宋重修廣韻》, meaning “Revised and Expanded Rhymes of the Great Song Dynasty.”
[7] Shao_Yong_Wiki; 皇極經世聲音唱和圖_Wiki_zh-tw
Alain Arrault, “Numbers, Models and Sounds: Numerical Speculations of Shao Yong (1012-1077)”, Monumenta Serica, 61 (2013): 183-201.
[8] Often referred as “Bianluo” sounds 汴洛語音—sounds from 汴Bian, capital of the Song Dynasty, and 洛 Luo, western capital Luoyang 洛陽.
[9] Ma Chuandong and Tan Lunhua, “Research on the Time When Ping Split into Yin and Yang in the Chinese Northern Dialect”, Chinese Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1, (2014), 19-23.
[10] Editors of Siku Quanshu gave an observant explanation of this development: “Northern sounds were meandering and laden with heaviness. They did not make short conclusive sounds. All entering tones were [turned] into [the other] three tones. It was a natural occurrence of regional practice.”
“北音舒長遲重,不能作收藏短促之聲。凡入聲皆讀人三聲,自其風土使然。” 《四庫全書, 中原音韻》
[11] It is important to note that many phonological elements of Middle Chinese are preserved in dialects, especially those of the southern regions.
[12] In 1756, poetry was again included in the exam.
[13]Classic_Chinese_Novels_Wiki
The texts of these great novels were written in a style mixing classical (literary) Chinese and colloquial expressions.