Chinese Poetry (XIV): Verses of Red Beans 紅豆詞

This entry is part 19 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

Verses of Red Beans 紅豆詞
Cáo Xuěqín 曹雪芹
Hónglóumèng 紅樓夢 (Dream of the Red Chamber)

滴不盡相思血淚拋紅豆
Drip unceasingly blood-stained tears of longing, casting red beans in the air.
開不完春柳春花滿畫樓
Bloom endlessly the young willows and spring flowers, surrounding the ornate mansion.
睡不穩紗窗風雨黃昏後
Sleep unsettled, wind and rain thrashing the window screens after dusk.
忘不了新愁與舊愁
Forget hardly—sorrows, new and old,
嚥不下玉粒金波噎滿喉
Swallow barely delicate food and lush wine, sorrows choking the throat.
瞧不盡菱花鏡裡花容瘦
Gaze repeatedly in the petal-shaped mirror, countenance waning.
展不開的眉頭, 捱不明的更漏
Open not—furrowed brows,
Endure unending hours never dawning.

啊… 恰便似
Ah, . . . This agony is like:
遮不住的青山隱隱
The vague silhouette of mountains, unconcealable;
流不斷的綠水悠悠
The flowing crystal water, meandering.

__Cáo Xuěqín

Cáo Zhān 曹霑, (c. 1715-c. 1763), courtesy name Xuěqín 雪芹, was a scholar, poet, and author of the Qing Dynasty. His ancestors of Han origin rose through the ranks of military and civil services in the Manchu imperial court. The Kangxi Emperor appointed his great-grandfather Cao Xi 曹璽 (1629-1684) as the Commissioner of Imperial Textiles in Jiangning (today’s Nanjing) 江寧織造, handling production and acquisition of silk and textiles for the imperial court. His grandfather Cao Yin 曹寅 (1658-1712) held similar positions in Suzhou 蘇州 and Jiangning as well as managed the salt production in the Lianghuai 兩淮 area.[1] These administrative positions, though not high in rank, were instrumental to governmental revenue as well as the economic growth of the nation.

Members of the Cao family also had close personal links to the imperial court. Cao Xi’s wife Lady Sun was Kangxi’s wetnurse. As a result, Cao Yin had life-long friendship with the emperor. The Cao residence was set up as the temporary imperial sojourn repeatedly during the emperor’s southern inspection tours.[2] Yin’s eldest daughter, Xueqin’s aunt, was granted marriage to Prince Keqin Na’ersu 克勤郡王訥爾蘇.[3]

As a sportsman, Cao Yin excelled in horsemanship and archery. He was a frequent participant of the imperial hunts. As a learned man, he befriended the intelligentsia and sponsored publications of scholarly works. In 1705, Emperor Kangxi decreed Cao Yin as the lead compiler and editor of an anthology of the Tang-Dynasty poetry. Quan Tangshi 全唐詩 (“The Complete Poems of Tang”), though not without editorial errors, contributed to the revival of Chinese poetic tradition.[4]

After Cao Yin’s death in 1712, his only son Cao Yóng 曹顒, Xueqin’s father, inherited the official position as well as the family wealth. Unfortunately, he died of illness in the winter of 1714 as his wife was pregnant with Xueqin. The emperor praised Cao Yóng for his well-rounded abilities in literature and martial arts. He allowed the family to adopt Cao Fǔ 曹頫 (c. 1695-?), the fourth son of Cao Quan 曹荃 (1661-1708)—Yin’s brother—as the heir.

Unlike his predecessors/ancestors, Cao Fu was negligent in his official duties. In 1728, the sixth year of the reign of the new emperor Yongzheng 雍正, Cao Fu, falling victim to political conflicts, was stripped of his position, and put in prison. The entire wealth of the Cao clan was confiscated. Cao Xueqin, still in his early teens, witnessed the demise of his family and relocated back to their northern roots.

For most of his life, Cao Xueqin lived in poverty outside of Beijing. Few documents about his life exist. Based on anecdotal accounts from his contemporaries, while gifted in painting, and poetry, he was a habitual drinker. By the time of his sudden death around 1763-4, his life-time work Hónglóumèng 紅樓夢 (Dream of the Red Chamber) was incomplete. Manuscripts of the first 80 chapters had been circulating—some are still extant. The first printed version of the novel, edited and extended by Gao E 高鶚 and Cheng Weiyuan 程偉元, was brought to light in 1791. There were 120 chapters in total.

__Shítóu jì 石頭記 (Chronicle of the Stone)

The original title of Hónglóumèng was Shítóu jì. In the opening chapter, functionally a prologue, the author told the story of a stone, discarded by the goddess Nüwa 女媧 when she patched the holes in heaven.[5] Over the eons, having absorbed cosmic spirituality, the stone was brought to the mundane world, with inscriptions, by two transcendental beings—a Buddhist monk and a Daoist priest. Years passed, a Daoist Kongkong 空空道人 found the stone and reveled its legend.[6] From the dialogue between Kongkong and the stone, it is not difficult for the reader to see how the author and the stone are one and the same.

Carved on the stone was an invocation:

___無才可去補蒼天,枉入紅塵若許年。此系身前身後事,倩誰記去作奇傳? “Inadequate for mending the heaven, in vain, falling into the mundane for ages. What preceded. . . what succeeded, whom could be expect to recount the legend?”

What Cao Xueqin proceeded to tell, on the surface, seemed to be frivolous affairs of a noble family. At its core, it was a cautionary tale, reflecting on current events, social hierarchy, and traditional moral values.

The main protagonist of the tale, Jiǎ Bǎoyù 賈寶玉, was the stone incarnated, born with a jade in his mouth.[7] Surrounded by women in his household, he favored his cousin Lín Dàiyù 林黛玉, a sensitive and frail maiden. Yet, Baoyu was destinated to marry another cousin Xuē Bǎochāi 薛寶釵, born with a golden lock. The intricate relationship of the three, interwoven with lives of a network of characters in the Jia family, shaped the framework of the novel.[8]

All novels of the Ming and the Qing Dynasties were written in colloquial style with occasional use of classical literary Chinese. Vernacular expressions in Beijing dialect distinguished Hónglóumèng from other great works. Cao’s language was vivid and eloquent; refined and, always, symbolic.

Centuries after its creation, the scholarly work on Hónglóumèng has become a subject of its own, known as “Red-ology” 紅學. In the early 20th century, scholars discussed, often vehemently, the authorship, authenticity of the text—especially of the later in the extended chapters, the linguistic characteristics, symbolism of the text/content. In recent decades, Redology has expanded into psychological studies of the characters, social analysis, fashion, and gender studies.

The unworthy stone did not come to the mundane world in vain.

__Verses of Red Beans

In Chapter 28 of Hónglóumèng, Baoyu, and friends were playing drinking games, making up new verses and new lyrics. Baoyu sang 紅豆詞 “Red Bean Ci,” accompanied by courtesan Yún ér 雲兒 playing the pipa.

The “red beans” in the verses are Abrus precatorius, commonly known as rosary peas.[9] In Chinese legend, the wife of a warrior, longing for him, often shed tears till they turned into blood. Her blood-stained tears turned into seeds and grew red beans. Hence, in poetic tradition, red beans symbolize nostalgia or longing—be it for a friend or a lover.[10]

Baoyu’s verses, commonly known as “Red Bean Ci” 紅豆詞, were to be sung. He himself called it quzi 曲子. He related the red beans to lovesickness—that of young and passionate love. It is of interest that all the verses started with a three-word phrase, all with a sense of endlessness. This structural detail mirrored a feature in the drinking game, in which each verse of an impromptu quatrain would open with 女兒悲, . . . 女兒愁, . . . 女兒喜, . . . 女兒樂, (“Girls saddened, . . . Girls worried, . . . Girls pleased, . . . Girls delighted, . . .“). Though a simple and playful drinking game, Cao Xueqin’s poetic artistry is clearly in display. Indirectly, within these paragraphs, the readers are led to appreciate Baoyu’s knowledge and skills in poetry.


[1] Salt_in_Chinese_history_Wiki
Map of two Huai salt fields and transportation in four provinces/Library of Congress
Huai is the abbreviation of the Huai River. Lianghuai, meaning two Huai, covered the region north of the Yangtze River, along the Huai River.
[2] Kangxi traveled to the south six times—in 1684, 1689, 1699, 1703, 1705, and 1707—to inspect regional political and economic developments, as well as the livelihood of general population. Painted scrolls were commissioned to document these expeditions. the-Kangxi-emperors-southern-tour-scrolls/sothebys.com/en/articles/
[3] Prince_Keqin_Wiki
[4] Quan_Tangshi_Wiki
[5] Nüwa_Wiki
[6] Kong 空 means “empty” or “unreal.”
[7] The surname Jia 賈 and the word “fake” 假 are homophones. Jiǎ Bǎoyù 賈寶玉 insinuates “fake precious jade.”
[8] There are over 400 characters total in the novel.
[9] Google_Images_Abrus_precatorius
[10] Wang Wei 王維 of the Tang Dynasty dedicated a poem to his friend Lǐ Guīnián 李龜年:
紅豆生南國,春來發幾枝。願君多採擷,此物最相思。
“Red beans grow in the south, new shoots sprout out in the spring. Pray that you collect them often, for they are the most nostalgic.”

Chinese Poetry (XIII): Turning Point

This entry is part 18 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

The integration of music and lyrics continued to develop throughout the Song Dynasty. In the Southern Song, a new type of lyrics qu 曲, gained popularity. It reached its height in the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368). Hence the name Yuanqu 元曲.

Like ci, based on tune patterns, the lengths of qu verses vary. While the vocabulary in ci is refined and elegant, vernacular expressions are common in qu. In qu, to enhance the expressions and for bettering transitions between verses, auxiliary words can be added to the verses.

Individual lyrics or suits of songs are categorized as sanqu 散曲. They are recited or sung without dramatic actions. Large scales of qu accompanied by dance and drama become zaju 雜劇, namely “mixed drama.”

The most significant difference between Song ci and Yuan qu is found in their linguistic characteristics. The rhyme schemes of ci drew upon the phonology of the late Middle Chinese; those of the qu were based on the “Northern sounds,” the Early Mandarin.

In 1324 sanqu author Zhou Deqing (周德清) compiled a rhyme book Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻. Eventually published in 1341, the book was created to reflect the phonological elements of qu—in a strict sense, those of the northern qu. In his annotations, Zhou criticized the people who rejected the current linguistic developments and held on to the prescriptions of the old practice. According to him, Zhongyuan yin (中原音—sounds of the Central Plain) should be the proper tongue.[1] Even though Zhou described it as the language of political arguments, commerce, education, and legislation for the nation, Zhongyuan yin was a northern dialect used in Dadu 大都, the “Grand Capital” of the Yuan Dynasty and today’s Beijing city.[2]

As the Middle Chinese evolved throughout the centuries, it branched into several regional variants. While there were many variants in the mountainous southern regions, Jin 晉and Mandarin were the only two dialects spoken in the north.[3] Shen Zhongwei 沈鍾偉traced the characteristic development of Mandarin back to Liao (907-1125), a Khitan state and Jin (1115-1234), a Jurchen state during the Song Dynasty.[4] Such influences from non-Han cultures continued as the Mongols ruled China proper during the Yuan Dynasty.[5]

Phonological developments of languages are constant and continuous. Qieyun 切韻, with 12,158 entries of characters in 193 rhyme groups, had been the guide of standard practice since the sixth century. In 1008, Emperor Zhenzong of the Song Dynasty commissioned a new rhyme book Guanyun 廣韻. Despite its expanded entries of 26,194 characters and 206 final rhymes, Guanyun remained close to the tonal organization of Qieyun.[6] A few decades later, in the Daoist treaties Hungji jingshi shu 皇極經世書 (“Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles”), numerologist and ontologist Shao Yong邵雍 (1012-1077) devised a phonological table Shengyin Changhe Tu 聲音唱和圖, in which he categorized/numbered phonemes—initials (sheng) and finals (yin).[7]

Instead of following the sounds of literary tradition, Shao Yong’s phonological analysis reflected the sounds of the northern dialect, practiced in the Central Plain.[8] There were several noticeable developments from the Late Middle Chinese:

Voiced consonants becoming voiceless
Ping (level) tone 平聲 splitting into yin (feminine/dark) and yang (masculine/bright)[9]
Disappearances of final endings in /p/, /t/ and /k/ as well as glottal stops—all characteristics of (“entering” or “checked”) tone 入聲[10]

These changes had solidified by the Yuan Dynasty and shaped the characteristics of the Early Mandarin.[11] This branch of the Chinese phonological system, because of its usage in a vast geographical area, gradually became the standard of the spoken Chinese. Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻 has become one of the most reliable phonological sources on Modern Chinese.

The dominance of poetry, either in shi or ci style, waned after the Song Dynasty. On the practical side, the elimination of poetry from the imperial exam was a major factor of this phenomenon.[12] The rise of vernacular languages also contributed greatly to the decline of poetic writing, often restricted by rules. Free from formative restrictions, long-form literature blossomed. The popularity of qu, especially its long form zaju led to major developments in Chinese theatrical literature. Novels, represented by the “Four Classic” Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義, Journey to the West 西遊記, Water Margin 水滸傳, and Dream of the Red Chamber 紅樓夢, became the predominant literary genre during the Ming and the Qing dynasties.[13]

Both the phonological changes and the colloquialization of literature in the 13th– and the 14th-centuries would have strong impact on the next wave of changes taking place at the turn of the 20th century.


[1] 周德清, 《中原音韻》, 〈正語作詞起例〉: 余嘗於天下都會之所,聞人間通濟之言:「世之泥古非今、不達時變者眾;呼吸之間,動引《廣韻》為證,寧甘受鴂舌之誚而不悔。亦不思混一日久,四海同音,上自縉紳講論治道,及國語翻譯,國學教授言語,下至訟庭理民,莫非中原之音。……與堅守《廣韻》方語之徒,轉其喉舌,換其齒牙,使執而不變、迂闊庸腐之儒皆為通儒,道聽塗說、輕浮市廛之子悉為才子矣。」
[2] Compilers and editors of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書 placed Zhongyuan Yinyun in the 集 (“Collections”) category. They also commented on Zhou Deqing’s linguistic views:
“. . . Since Yuefu were based on northern tunes, it should naturally be sung in northern sounds. This catalogue by Dequing, therefore, was based on the inherent characters of [qu.] For this reason, it was appropriately applied in Northern qu until now. To attack ancient sounds based on [the northern sounds] seemed limited by a single opinion, overly obstinate. Each language belongs to its region. It evolves over time. [Just as] literary work has its style. . ..”
“. . . 樂府既為北調, 自應歌以北音. 德清此譜, 蓋亦因其自然之節所以作. 北曲者沿用至今, 言各有當, 此之謂也. 至於因而掊擊古音, 則拘於一偏, 主持太過. 夫語言各有方域, 時代遞有變遷, 文章亦各有體裁. . ..”
[3] Xiang 湘and Gan 贛 are used in the middle/lower middle Yangtze regions. Wu 吳 is spoken in the lower Yangtze region. (Shanghainese is one of many dialects in this group.) Min 閩 is spoken in the southeastern coast, including today’s Fujian Province and Taiwan; Yue 粵, Cantonese, spoken in Canton Province and Hongkong; Hakka 客家, spoken wherever Hakka people reside—in Canton, Taiwan, East Asia and South Asia. All these dialects are still in used today.
[4] Shen, Zhongwei, and 沈鍾偉. “THE ORIGIN OF MANDARIN / 官話的起源.” Journal of Chinese Linguistics 39, no. 1 (2011): 1–31. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23754434.
[5] Yuan_dynasty_Wiki
[6] The full name of Guanyun was 《大宋重修廣韻》, meaning “Revised and Expanded Rhymes of the Great Song Dynasty.”
[7] Shao_Yong_Wiki; 皇極經世聲音唱和圖_Wiki_zh-tw
Alain Arrault, “Numbers, Models and Sounds: Numerical Speculations of Shao Yong (1012-1077)”, Monumenta Serica, 61 (2013): 183-201.
[8] Often referred as “Bianluo” sounds 汴洛語音—sounds from 汴Bian, capital of the Song Dynasty, and 洛 Luo, western capital Luoyang 洛陽.
[9] Ma Chuandong and Tan Lunhua, “Research on the Time When Ping Split into Yin and Yang in the Chinese Northern Dialect”, Chinese Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1, (2014), 19-23.
[10] Editors of Siku Quanshu gave an observant explanation of this development: “Northern sounds were meandering and laden with heaviness. They did not make short conclusive sounds. All entering tones were [turned] into [the other] three tones. It was a natural occurrence of regional practice.”
“北音舒長遲重,不能作收藏短促之聲。凡入聲皆讀人三聲,自其風土使然。” 《四庫全書, 中原音韻》
[11] It is important to note that many phonological elements of Middle Chinese are preserved in dialects, especially those of the southern regions.
[12] In 1756, poetry was again included in the exam.
[13]Classic_Chinese_Novels_Wiki
The texts of these great novels were written in a style mixing classical (literary) Chinese and colloquial expressions.