Category: Chinese literature

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Chinese Poetry (X): The Great River Flows Eastwards 大江東去

This entry is part 15 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

蘇軾  Su Shi
念奴嬌 “Niàn-Nú jiāo”
[“The delightfulness of Niàn-Nú”]
赤壁懷古  Reminiscence of the Legends at Red Cliffs

大江東去，浪淘盡，千古風流人物。
The Great River flows eastwards.
Its roaring waves sweep away legendary figures of thousand-year past.
故壘西邊，人道是，三國周郎赤壁。
West of the ancient fortress,
Was said to be, Red Cliffs where young master Zhou of the Three Kingdoms led the battle.
亂石穿空，驚濤拍岸，捲起千堆雪。[1]
Jagged rocks pierce the sky,
Astonishing waves thrash the banks, hurling up massive snow-like foams.
江山如畫，一時多少豪傑。
Picturesque landscape of river and mountains,
Once inspired innumerable greats.

* * * * * * * * *

遙想公瑾當年，小喬初嫁了，雄姿英發，
I reminisce: Zhou Gongjin in his prime,
Newly espoused to the younger Qiao, radiant, majestic in bearing.
羽扇綸巾，談笑間，檣櫓灰飛煙滅。[2]
Holding a feather fan, donning a silk headscarf,
While he conversed casually, fleets of his enemies dispersed into smoke and ashes.
故國神遊，多情應笑我，早生華髪。
My thoughts meander through ancient dynasties.
Folks shall tease me for being overly sentimental, turning gray prematurely.
人生如夢，一尊還酹江月。
Life is like a dream.
Let me make an offering of wine to the reflection of the moon in the river.[3]

* * * * * * * * *

The Poet

Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037-1101), courtesy name Zizhan 子瞻, pen name Dongpo 東坡 , was one of the leading poets of the Song Dynasty. Born into a literary family in today’s Sichuan Province, Su Shi showed great interest and talent in writing at a young age. Before turning twenty, he successfully ranked jinshi 進士 in the imperial civil examination and qualified for government appointments. His mother’s death in the same year, however, put a pause to the initiation of his administrative career. In 1061, with impeccable performance, Su Shi passed the decreed exam, held periodically by the imperial order seeking exceptional talents in specified area. In the following decades, he held various official positions. Unfortunately, towards the end of the Northern Song Dynasty, the imperial court was plagued by partisan conflicts. Su’s straightforwardness often placed him in vulnerable politcal positions. Twice he was forced into exile.[4]

Most respected for his poems, he was also admired for his prose writing, painting, and calligraphy. Collectively, Su Shi, his father Su Xun 蘇洵, and his younger brother Su Zhe 蘇轍 were known as “The Three Sus” 三蘇. They were among the Eight Prose Giants of the Tang and Song Dynasties 唐宋八大家, advocating “classical prose” in plain and clear language, against the highly stylish yet esoteric pianwen 駢文 (parallel prose).[5]

A prolific poet, Su Shi was equally accomplished in shi, ci, and fù. Nevertheless, he was most influential in the development of ci. With wide range of subjects, eloquence, and authenticity, he further elevated the literary quality of the genre. Later critics would characterize his works as “vivid,” “open-minded,” “profound,” and “passionate.” He and Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 were recognized as the leaders of the hoafang 豪放 (magnificent and free-spirited) school of ci.[6]

The Tune

Niàn-Nú 念奴 was believed to be the name of a songstress in the Tang Dynasty, beloved by Emperor Xuanzong. Jiāo 嬌 refers to a feminine deportment, submissive yet delightful. Consisting of one hundred characters/words, “Niàn-Nú jiāo” is also called “bǎi-zì lìnɡ” 百字令 (“Hundred-word-tune”). In reference to Su Shi’s setting, the tune is commonly known as “dà jiāng dōng qù” 大江東去, “Chìbì cí” 赤壁詞, and “lèi jiāng yùe” 酹江月 (or “lèi yùe” 酹月).[7]

The standard structure of “Niàn-Nú jiāo” is of two stanzas.[8] There are ten verses in each stanza. Verses 3, 5, 8 and 10 are rhymed. The same rhyme, most often in “entering tone,” is used throughout. Prosodic patterns of verses 4 to 10 are identical in both stanzas. As poets took the liberty of breaking and combining verses, the number and length of verses were often varied.

Battle of Chìbì 赤壁之戰

At the end of the Han Dynasty, Cao Cao 曹操 controlled the territory north of the Yangtze River while Lui Bei 劉備 and Sun Quan 孫權 rivaled in the south. In 208 AD, with the intention of unifying the nation, Cao Cao commanded his army southwards. After initial successes, Cao and his troops advanced along the river, forcing Liu and Sun to form an alliance.

In the winter of the same year, the alliance forces traveling upstream confronted Cao’s navy at Chìbì 赤壁. Numerically, Cao’s force had overwhelming dominance. Yet, the majority of them were from the northen plain and not used to naval warfare. Afflicted by exhaustion, low morale and disease, they retreated to Wulín 烏林 on the north shore.

Across the river, a combined force of well-trained fighters prepared for battle. At the same time, led by Sun’s chief commander Zhou Yu, a strategic plot was developed: Huang Gai, a subordinate of Zhou, noticed that Cao Cao’s battleships were linked together—perhaps, to ease seasickness of his men. Huang proposed to destroy them by fire.

Following a staged confrontation between Zhou and Huang, a messenger was sent to Cao’s camp delivering a letter indicating Huang’s intention to surrender. Ten battle ships loaded with incendiaries were to be followed by small boats. Midway across the river, Huang ordered his fleet to raise their oars shouting, “We surrender!” As the Cao navy was distracted by the cries, Huang’s sailors set fire to the battleships while backing onto the small boats. Aided by southeastern wind, the unmanned fire ships quickly reached the Cao camp and burned the chained ships.[9]

A small number of Sun-Liu’s men continued to assault the remnant of Cao’s troops along the river and on land. Defeated and concerned about the security of the home front, Cao eventually returned to the north and never attempted to invade the south again. Despite the victory, the Sun’s force was weakened during the battle. On the other hand, Liu Bei, having conquered parts of the strategic stronghold Jing Province 荊州 in 208, gained a negotiating advantage.[10]

As the Eastern Han Dynasty fell, Cao, Sun and Liu divided the nation. Cao’s State “Wei” 魏 occupied the northern region. Liu’s “Shu Han” 蜀漢 covered the midstream Yangtze—today’s Sichuan Province, as well as Yunnan, Guizhou, and northern Guangxi. “Sun Wu” 孫吳 ruled the lower Yangtze basin—today’s southeastern provinces. The Three Kingdom period lasted from 220 to 280.[11]

Earliest accounts of the Battle of Chìbì were included in The Records of the Three Kingdoms 三國志 written by Chen Shou 陳壽 (233-279). Sima Guang (1019-1086), a historian of the Song Dynasty, gave detailed descriptions of the battle in chapter 65 of ZiZhi Tongjian 資治通鑑 (published in 1084). Nonetheless, it was the vivid storytelling in the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義 by Luo Guanzhong 羅貫中 (1320? – 1400?) that captured the hearts and minds of generations of Chinese readers.[12]

Zhou Yu 周瑜

Zhou Yu (175-210), courtesy name Gongjin 公瑾, was born into a prestigious family of high-ranking officers. He first served under Sun Quan’s brother Sun Ce 孫策. Similar in age, Sun Ce and Zhou Yu established a close relationship. At the age of 24, they married the beautiful Qiao sisters: Sun married the older sister (“Da Qiao”) and Zhou, the younger one (“Xiao Qiao”). In the following year, Ce was assassinated. Zhou began advising Ce’s younger brother Quan. Most historical sources credited Zhou Yu for leading and winning the Battle of Chìbì.

A military man, Zhou was known to have great musical intuition. It was said that, even after three rounds of drinks, he was able to detect any musical mistakes and would throw a look at the musician.[13] He was said to have a very handsome appearance and was nicknamed “Mei Zhou Lang” (“Beautiful Young Master Zhou”). He was also praised for his noble character.

In 210, Zhou Yu proposed to invade Yi Province 益州, governed by Liu Zhang 劉璋, and then, annex the Hanzhong 漢中 region, controlled by Zhang Lu 張魯. The goal was to force a north-south power balance between Cao and Sun. During the preparation for the new campaign, on his way to Jiangling 江陵, he died at Baqiu 巴丘.[14]

Reminiscence of the Legends at Red Cliffs 赤壁懷古

Due to sarcasm in his poems and partisan conflicts at the imperial court, Su Shi was exiled between 1080 and 1086 in Huangzhou 黃州.[15] In the autumn of 1082, he took a boat trip with a few friends to nearby Chìbì Ji 赤壁磯. The excursion inspired the creations of “Former Ode to the Red Cliffs” 前赤壁賦 and “Niàn-Nú jiāo—Reminiscence of the Legends at Red Cliffs” 念奴嬌, 赤壁懷古.[16] Calligraphy for the Ode in the poet’s hand is preserved at National Palace Museum in Taipei.[17]

Chìbì 赤壁 means “red cliffs.” There are multiple locations in China named Chìbì. The location of the Battle of Chìbì had long been in dispute. The most widely accepted place is northwest of today’s Chìbì City, between Wuhan and Yuèyán, on the south shore of the Yangtze River, facing Wulin on the north shore. Huangzhou Chìbì Ji 黃州赤壁磯 where Su Shi visited is also called Chìbí Ji 赤鼻磯 “Red Nose Rock.”[18] It is several hundred miles downstream from Wulin. Whether or not Su Shi mistook Huangzhou Chìbì as the ancient battlefield, associating the scenery with the legendary event clearly allowed him the freedom to express his feelings.

The stupendous flow of the river was strong enough to wash away thousand-year-old legends; the protrusive cliffs and the thrashing waves, destructive even to the sky and the rocky shores. By guiding the readers into the astonishing landscape and allowing them to imagine the challenges of the battle in such treacherous location, Su Shi avoided gruesome description of the war.

Confident in winning the war, Zhou Yu, dressed casually, was in the company of his beautiful wife. No need for swords and combat, Zhou chatted with ease holding a feather fan. Such was the image that Su Shi created for his hero.

Yet, while the magnificent landscape stood the test of time, mortal lives were transient—regardless of their talents and achievements. Futile pursuits of worldly gains only led to distress. Enlightened, the poet made a toast to the unattainable reflection of the moon.

Su Shi was influenced by Buddhism as well as Taoism since childhood. His parents were both devoted Buddhists. While at a young age, he was sent to a school headed by a Taoist priest. However, a bon vivant,[19] he never led a religious life. In “Niàn-Nú jiāo,” sentiments of escapism are palpable—arguably from impacts from Su’s political tribulation.

The Great River Flows Eastwards . . ..

[1] Another version of this verse reads: “亂石崩雲，驚濤裂岸” “Jagged rocks rupture the clouds, astonishing waves smash the banks.”
[2] “綸巾” guānjīn is a casual headdress made of green silk (青絲). However, the word 青 (green) could also mean “black.” “檣櫓” qiánglǔ (masts and oars) sometimes appears in the homophonous term “強虜” (strong enemies).
[3] 赤壁懷古 chì bì huái gǔ
大江東去，浪淘盡， dà jiāng dōng qù ， làng táo jìn 。
千古風流人物。 qiān gǔ fēng liú rén wù 。
故壘西邊，人道是， gù lěi xī biān ， rén dào shì ，
三國周郎赤壁。 sān guó zhōu láng chì bì 。
亂石穿空，驚濤拍岸， luàn shí chuān kōng ， jīng tāo pāi àn ，
捲起千堆雪。 juàn qǐ qiān duī xuě 。
江山如畫，一時多少豪傑。 jiāng shān rú huà ， yī shí duō shǎo háo jié !
遙想公瑾當年，小喬初嫁了， yáo xiǎng gōng jǐn dāng nián ， xiǎo qiáo chū jià liǎo ，
雄姿英發， xióng zī yīng fā ，
羽扇綸巾，談笑間， yǔ shàn guān jīn ， tán xiào jiān ，
檣櫓灰飛煙滅。 qiáng lǔ huī fēi yān miè 。
故國神遊，多情應笑我， gù guó shén yóu ， duō qíng yīng xiào wǒ ，
早生華髪。 zǎo shēng huá fā 。
人生如夢，一尊還酹江月。 rén jiān rú mèng ， yī zūn huán lèi jiāng yuè 。
[4] Su_Shi_Wiki
[5] Eight-great-prose-masters-of-tang-song_youngchinatravel.com, Pianwen_Wiki
[6] Xin_Qiji_Wiki
Haofang_School_chinesethought.cn_EN
[7] Other alternate names of “Niàn-Nú jiāo” include “hú zhōng tiān” 壺中天, “xiāng yuè” 湘月, “xìng huā tiān” 杏花天, etc.
[8] “Píng gāo tiào yuǎn” 憑空眺遠, another setting by Su Shi, is often used as the model for the standard form of Niàn-Nú jiāo.
[9] 資治通鑑/卷 65: 「瑜等在南岸，瑜部將黃蓋曰：「今寇眾我寡，難與持久。操軍方連船艦，首尾相接，可燒而走也。」乃取蒙沖鬥艦十艘，載燥荻、枯柴、灌油其中，裹以帷幕，上建旌旗，預備走舸，繫於其尾。先以書遺操，詐雲欲降。時東南風急，蓋以十艦最著前，中江舉帆，餘船以次俱進。操軍吏士皆出營立觀，指言蓋降。去北軍二里餘，同時發火，火烈風猛，船往如箭，燒盡北船. . .. 」
[10] Lopez, Vincent. “Fanning the Flames of War: Considering the Military Value of the Three Kingdoms Period in Chinese History at the Battle of Chi Bi.” American Journal of Chinese Studies 17, no. 2 (2010): 145-54. Accessed June 9, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44288933.
[11] Three_Kingdoms_Wiki
[12] Records_of_the_Three_Kingdoms_Wiki, Zizhi_Tongjian_Wiki
Romance_of_the_Three_Kingdoms_Wiki
[13] 三國志/卷 54: 瑜少精意於音樂。雖三爵之後，其有闕誤。瑜必知之，知之必顧，故時人謠曰：「曲有誤，周郎顧。」
[14] Zhou_Yu_Wiki
[15] Su Shi’s mentor Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 was among the officials convicted during the incident known as “Crow Terrace Poetry Trial” 烏臺詩案. Clearly a case of “guilt by association,” Su was exiled as the government of Huangzhou. Crow_Terrace_Poetry_Trial_Wiki
[16] The introduction of the Ode opened with the date of the excursion: “Autumn of Renxu, in the seventh month after the full moon”—August 18, 1082 in the Gregorian calendar.
[17] Image_Su_Shi-Former_Ode_on_the_Red_Cliff_Wiki
[18] Battle_of_Red_Cliffs#Location_Wiki
Chibizhen-Wulinzhen-Hubei_Google_map
Dongpo-Red-Cliffs_Goolgle_map
To differentiate the two locations, Huangzhou Chìbì is often called Dongpo Red Cliffs or Literary Chìbì 文赤壁; the town in Jiayu County, Military Chìbì 武赤壁.
[19] Su Shi enjoyed sightseeing, tea tasting and wine. An epicurean, many Chinese dishes are named after him.

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Chinese Poetry (IX): Ci—Lyric verses

This entry is part 14 of 35 in the series Chinese Art Song

詞 Ci, definition: 1. phrase, 2. statement, 3. expression, 4. lyrics[1]

The origin

With the establishment of the Sui Dynasty (581-618), China was reunited after over three centuries of division. The cultural traditions of various ethnic groups converged in the Central Plain where the capital cities were located. During the Tang Dynasty (618-907), with the reopening of the trade roads, international commerce grew vigorously. In addition to traders and envoys, artists from foreign lands brought in exotic music instruments, songs and dances. In this environment, music making in China went through fundamental changes. A multicultural banquet music “yànyuè” 燕樂/宴樂 came into prominence. Finding its place at the imperial courts, yànyuè gradually became part of popular culture.[2]

Lyrics of the Han language were created to match preexisting melodies of various origins.[3] At its incipience, these verses were called quzi ci 曲子詞 (“words for melody”). Examples of these anonymous song-verses were discovered among Dunhuang manuscripts at the turn of the twentieth century.[4] Their subject matters ranged from amorous passion to urban life, traveling and religious inspirations.[5] Despite their rich content, realistic descriptions, and vivid expressions, the early ci, written by commoners, were often unpolished.

Versification

All structural elements of ci were governed by the components of the existing melody:

•Ci poems were categorized by the names of the melodies. Each poem might have its own literary title—often based on words taken from the first verse. In some cases, the literary titles of popular verses and the names of the original melodies became interchangeable.
•Although the rhyming rules would be less rigid than those of shi, the tonal patterns 平仄 must be in conformity with the melodic contours.
•Shadowing the musical phrases, lengths of verses in ci were variable—hence the name cháng-duǎn-jù 長短句 (long-and-short-verses). The organization of verses and the total word-counts were fixed.

For example: The tune “Púsà-mán” 菩薩蠻 (literally, Bodhisattva-like barbarians) has two stanzas, each of four verses. The line-pattern for the first stanza is 7-7-5-5; the second 5-5-5-5. The last two verses of both stanzas share the same tonal patterns and rhymes. The total word-count for Púsà-mán is 44.[6]

From folk entertainments to elite literature

Ci remained mostly a folk genre throughout the Tang Dynasty. Nonetheless, already in the late eighth century, established poets began to explore the new territory. Huajian ji 花間集 (“Amidst-Flowers Collection”) and Zunqian ji 尊前集 (“Fronting-the-Chalice Collection”), the two anthologies included in the “Ji” 集 (literary collections) section of Siku Quanshu 四庫全書,[7] contained early literary ci by known authors. The former, compiled by Zhao Chongzuo 趙崇祚 around 940, incorporated five hundred verses by eighteen poets.[8] The latter, quoted in several annotative sources of the Northern Song Dynasty, was likely generated in the early Song. Since Zunqian ji was anonymous and undated, the authenticity of its contents had been a subject of disputes among scholars.[9]

Wen Tingyun 溫庭筠 (c. 812-870) of the late Tang was the first distinguished writer of ci. With illustrious style and rich vocabulary, he brought refinements into the new genre. Nonetheless, the subjects of his works were limited to young loves, forlornness, and boudoir sentiments.[10] Among the poets following Wen’s footsteps during the Five-Dynasties-and-Ten-Kingdoms period (907-979) were Wei Zhuang 韋莊 (836-910) and Zhang Mì 張泌 (c. 930-?). Later annotators used the term “Huajian Faction” 花間派 to designate their works.[11]

Li Yù 李煜 (937-978), the last ruler of the State of Southern Tang,[12] was another celebrated ci writer of this period. A reluctant ruler, Li was a devotee of arts and music. In his late twenties, he lost a young son and his wife in succession. His verses reflected his experiences and emotions truthfully. After he became a captive of Emperor Taizu of the Song Dynasty, his later works were laden with regrets and nostalgic laments. Wang Kuowei 王國維 (1877-1927) in his literary treatise Renjian cihua 人間詞話 (1910) credited Li Yù for widening the scope and deepening the emotions of ci, and, thus elevating the genre from lyrics for the entertainers to verses of the literati. Channeling Nietzsche, Wang claimed that Li’s ci were “truly written with blood.”[13]

Fruition

Having been freed from frivolities, literary ci flourished during the Song Dynasty (960-1279). Quan Song Ci (“Complete Song Ci”) 全宋詞, compiled and edited by Tang Guizhang 唐圭璋 (1901-1990), contained over twenty thousand works by one thousand three hundred and thirty poets.[14] Collectively, Song ci were often compared with Tang shi.

Similar to the Tang Dynasty, a unified government provided the stability necessary for economic and cultural development in the Song Dynasty. Unlike the Tang Dynasty which benefited greatly from its exchanges with foreign states, the Song Dynasty existed under the threat of its northern neighbors. While the Tang culture was exuberant and all-embracing, the Song culture was intricate, stoic, and impassioned.

In 1127, Jurchen-Jin besieged Song capital Bianjing and abducted Emperor Qinzong and his father Emperor Huizong, forcing the Song court to retreat southwards, maintaining only the territories south of the Yangzi River.[15] This crisis, known as the Jingkang Incident, changed the fortune of the Song imperial court; weakened the strength of the nation; and altered the lives of the people, including artists and poets. Descriptions of nature and the joy of life—common themes in ci of the Northern Song—were replaced by laments of displacement and separation, nostalgia for peace time, and patriotic sentiments in those of the Southern Song.

Ci poems of the early Song, following the style of their predecessors of the Five-Dynasties, were simple and of limited extent. As the genre continued to evolve, more tune patterns were added to the repertoire.[16] Greater variety of lengths, structures and styles were developed. Based on the tempo, there were xiǎolìng 小令–brief and quick, and màncí 慢詞—lengthy and slow. In subsequent centuries, detailed classifications were realized:

•xiǎolìng 小令: small tunes—verses within 58 words
•zhongdiào 中調: medium tunes—verses between 59 and 90 words; could be further divided into yǐn 引, closer to xiǎolìng, and jìn 近, longer than yǐn.
•chángdiào 長調: long tunes—verses longer than 90 words.

Single stanza[17] verses were called dāndiào 單調; two-stanza, shuāngdiào 雙調; three-, sāndié 三疊; and four-, sìdié 四疊.

Stylistically, there are two major schools of ci: wanyue 婉約 “delicate and demure,” and haofang 豪放 (magnificent and free-spirited). Liú Yǒng 柳永 (987-1053) and Li Qīngzhào 李清照 (1084-1155) were representative of the former.[18] The later, led by Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037-1101),[19] gained prominence after the Jingkang Incident.

There is an idiom: “The shi describes one’s ideas; the ci expresses one’s emotions.” “詩言志, 詞言情.”[20] Variable verse lengths in the ci accentuate the ebbs and flows of emotions. Word-repetitions, anaphora, and onomatopoeia, devices which frequently appeared in ci poems, not only vivify sounds and images, but also enhance the complexities of feelings. The contributions of the ci poets from the Tang to the Song Dynasties brought the reciprocal relationship between Chinese poetry and music to a new height. They also paved the way for dramatic literature in the later eras.

[1] https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/詞
[2] Music_and_Art_of_China_Kenneth Moore_Met museum
At the imperial courts, yànyuè coexisted with yayuè 雅樂, ceremonial music. During the reign of Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty, a music bureau was established. Based on the origins of the music, there were seven “divisions,” each with specific repertoire 樂, instruments 器, numbers of performers 工, and dress codes 衣. (隋書, 卷十五志第十, 音樂下) The Tang courts further expanded the system into nine- and ten- divisions. Based on the performance settings, there were two categories: standing/outdoors 立部and sitting/indoors 坐部.
Wang Xiaodun, Sun Xiaohui, and Chang Shijun,”Yuebu of the Tang Dynasty: Musical Transmission from the Han to the Early Tang Dynasty,” Yearbook for Traditional Music 36 (2004): 50-64. Accessed May 17, 2021 http://www.jstor.org/stable/20058791.
Emperor Xuanzhong founded “Pear Garden,” a training institute of musicians and dancers, and often participated in the training and performances. The term “Pear Garden disciples” has become a synonym for actors, especially those of Chinese operas.
[3] 324 titles of these melodies are listed in Jiaofang ji 教坊記, a commentary on the court entertainment institution during the Kaiyuan period (713-741) written by Cui Lingqin 崔令欽, a court official. 教坊記/zh_wikisource.org
[4] Mogao_Caves_Wiki; Dunhuang_manuscripts_Wiki. After the rediscovery of the “library cave,” many of the manuscripts were dispersed around the world, destroyed, or lost. Scholarly research during the twentieth century resulted in several collections of Dunhuang quci: Wang Zhongmin 王重民, edited 164 verses in Dunhuang quzi ci ji 敦煌曲子詞集 (1954); JaoTsung-I [Rao Zhongyi] 饒宗頤 collected 318 in Dunhuang qu 敦煌曲 (1971); and Ren Bantang 任半塘 [Ren Erbei 任二北 or Ren Na 任訥] included over 1200 in Dunhuang geci zongbian 敦煌歌辭總編 (1987).
[5] Poems of Buddhist influences are categorized as Foqu 佛曲.
[6] “Púsà-mán” 菩薩蠻 was among the tunes listed in Jiao fang ji 教坊記.
Late-nineth-century author Su È 蘇鶚 gave an anecdotal account of “Púsà-mán” in his short-story collection Duyang Zabian 杜陽雜編. According to Su, in early Dazhong period (c. 847), musicians, inspired by the bejeweled, Bodhisattva-like costume of tributary envoys from Nümán 女蠻國, created the tune. Púsà-mán is also the name of a female dance group of the imperial court of the Song Dynasty. History of Song, chapter 142, Music Records-16; 宋史, 卷142, 樂 16.
[7] Complete_Library_of_the_Four_Treasuries_Wiki; 四庫全書/集部#詞曲類/zh.wikisource
[8] In comparison to the large quantity of jintishi 近體詩 produced in the Tang Dynasty, five hundred is a very small number.
[9] A few ci attributed to the High Tang poet Li Bai are among the most controversial selections in Zunqian ji.
[10] Wen_Tingyun_Wiki
[11] Huajian_Faction_Wiki
[12] Not to be confused with the subsequent Dynasty, Southern Tang was one of the “Ten Kingdoms” during the transitional period between the Tang and the Song Dynasties. Southern_Tang_Wiki
[13] 人間詞話, 卷 1-15, “詞至李後主而眼界始大, 感慨遂深, 遂變伶工之詞而為士大夫之詞.”
Id., 卷 1-18, “尼採謂：’一切文學, 餘愛以血書者.’ 後主之詞, 真所謂以血書者也.”
[14] Quan Song Ci 全宋詞 was completed around 1937 and first published by The Commercial Press in Shanghai in 1940. Revised edition with supplemental materials was published in 1979.
[15] Jingkang_incident_Wiki
[16] Qīndìng cípǔ 欽定詞譜 (1715), a dictionary of ci titles compiled under the command of Kangxi Emperor, listed 826 tunes. Some later sources further expanded the list. Nevertheless, many tunes had multiple names. Some of them were variations of the same tune. The term cípái 詞牌, commonly used in literary discussions, was coined in later eras.
[17] què 闋: stanza.
[18] Li_Qingzhao_Wiki
[19] Su_Shi_Wiki.
[20] 《尚書•虞書•舜典》: “詩言志，歌永言，聲依永，律和聲。”